Lithuania today

The green Soviet bridge in Vilnius

The Green Bridge sculpture "Industry and Construction (Pramonė ir statyba)"
by Bronius Vyšniauskas and Napoleonas Petrulis.
Photos: Aage Myhre. 

The Green Bridge (Lithuanian: Žaliasis tiltas) is a bridge over the Neris River in Vilnius, Lithuania. It is the oldest bridge in the city and connects city centre with the so-called right river bank and the Kalvariju g that leads to several of the city’s Soviet suburbs north of the city centre.

The first bridge is known from 1536. It stood closer to the present-day Mindaugas Bridge. It was a wooden covered bridge with brick and stone piers. It had a second floor with apartments for toll collectors. Because its builder Ulryk Hozjusz wanted to recoup the cost by collecting tolls, Grand Duke Sigismund I granted him a privilege prohibiting others to build any other bridges between Kernavė and Bistrica or to offer other crossing services between Verkiai and Paneriai. The bridge was burned by retreating Lithuanian Army after the Battle of Vilnius (1655).

A new project was prepared in 1673, which envisioned a span of 73 metres (240 ft) between piers—the longest known span at the time. However, an early spring and ice jam destroyed the piers. Therefore the old piers from the first were reused and the second bridge was complete in 1679. In 1739 another wooden bridge was erected and painted green. Since then it is known as the Green Bridge. In 1789 a new project of a brick bridge was prepared by Laurynas Gucevičius, but the builders selected another proposal. The construction was supervised by Marcin Knackfus. The project was not successful as the bridge burned in 1791. It was rebuilt according to a project by Michael Schulz in 1805, but burned again on orders from Michael Andreas Barclay de Tolly during the French invasion of Russia of 1812.

The bridge was rebuilt in 1827–1829. A steel bridge was designed by Nikolai Belelyubsky and completed in 1894. It survived World War I, but was blown up by the Wehrmacht in 1944. The present-day bridge was completed in 1952 and named after Soviet General Ivan Chernyakhovsky. After the declaration of independence in 1990, the bridge regained its historical name.

The bridge features four sets of sculptures—prominent examples of Soviet realism. They all feature two people, representing social classes idealized by the Soviet authorities (soldiers, workers, farmers, students). Three sculptures are 3.2 metres (10 ft) in height (including the pedestal); the soldiers reach 4 metres (13 ft) due to the raised flag.

The sculpture "Agriculture (Žemės ūkis)" by Bernardas Bučas and Petras Vaivada.

Associate Editor Vin Karnila:
My Lithuanian Easters –
in Massachusetts, USA

By Vin Karnila, Associate Editor

Thinking about Lithuanian Easter traditions transforms me back in time to when I was a young boy growing up in the Boston area of Massachusetts, USA. Being the son of a Scottish mother and Lithuanian father I had the great fortune of experiencing the wonderful traditions of not only the Lithuanian people but that of the Highland Scott‘s as well.

While along with the Lithuanian Christmas traditions we practiced many of the Scottish customs for Christmas and New Year as well but Easter is seemed was a time for the traditions of our Lithuanian ancestors. These were the traditions the Karnila family took with them from our ancestral home in Lithuania, the village of Guronys.

While occasionally we would visit members of my mother’s family on Easter, most often on Easter we would go to the home of my father’s sister, Ana (Karnilytė) Savanovich. This I think was by no small coincidence since months before Easter my brother and I would plead to our parents that it was an absolute requirement that we celebrate Easter at Aunt Ana’s house – as you read on you will understand why!!!

When we arrived at Ana’s house my brother and I were greeted with a basket of decorated Easter Eggs and sweets. This was of course, in true Lithuanian tradition, AFTER we had we had completely passed through the door and were standing inside the house and had also gone through all the kisses, hugs and pinches on the cheeks (from Ana) and handshakes from her husband John. As my brother and I started to go to work on the sweets and admire the eggs next came another big treat. Ana would come out with a tray of freshly baked, still warm cookies baked by you guessed it – the Velykos Kiškis!!! Now I guess the story behind the cookies got changed a bit on its trip across the Atlantic Ocean but it seems that the Easter Bunny / A.K.A. Velykos Kiškis baked these cookies just this morning and brought them to Ana‘s home knowing that me and my brother would be there.

After enjoying ourselves on the sweets and cookies next came the what was probably one of the biggest events of the day – EASTER DINNER!!! I grew up enjoying Lithuanian traditional food but at Easter this was something completely different. Easter Dinner was the jack pot, the mother load, the meal to end all meals, the trip to the mountain top. Never at any one time were there so many Lithuanian dishes on the table at any one time. Remember on Chirstmas Eve there is no meat. For Easter there was every kind of meat you could think of. Roast pork, roast ham, roast chicken, roast anything you could possibly roast and maybe a few things you wouldn‘t want to roast. In addition blynai, dumplings, kugelis, salads of every variety you could imagine and of course mushrooms used in almost every dish. The table cloth was always white and always was adorned with some greenery. Now of course before we partook in this wonderful feast an egg was cut and a piece was given to everyone seated so that as we all ate of this egg we joined as a family and bonded our love and dedication to each other. I must mention that the cutting of the egg became an art form if we had the pleasure of being joined by uncles Kaziemiras (Charles) and Jonas (John) and aunts Marytė (Mary) and Alicija (Alice) and their families. To cut one egg into about thirty equal pieces is truly an endeavor. After the meal came an incredible assortment of cakes, pies and sweets. Oh, did I mention that to wash this all down Ana had made some homemade gira?

After stuffing ourselves to the max came some activities to work off all the food. It seems that the Velykų Senelė/Easter Grandmother had stopped by earlier that morning and left some beautifully decorated eggs for me and my brother. The problem was that she had hidden them outside and our task was to find them. As a very young child this was a little confusing because I thought it was the Easter Bunny’s responsibility to deliver all the eggs to everyone. So I kind of sorted things out and came to the conclusion that yes in fact delivering the eggs was the Easter Bunny’s job however the eggs used in the egg hunt was the responsibility of Velykų Senelė. As I got older we then understood that this was another wonderful tradition of our people. I can say one thing about Ana and John, when it came to hiding eggs they displayed some incredible imagination not to mention athletic ability. You would not believe what we had to go through to get some of these eggs!!! To be honest, I don’t know who had more fun, the children finding the eggs or Ana and John watching us.

After finding all the eggs or let me put it this way, after finding all the eggs we could find (I think after fifty years there are still some unfound eggs sitting around there somewhere) we went back inside. All the children counted up the eggs they had found and the one with the most received some sweets as their prize for being the best egg hunter.

What came next was to me the most special event of the day. Of everything we did this is what I most fondly remember of our Easter traditions. For every child Ana had made a specially decorated egg. She would go around and present each child with this incredible work of art. All the children had the same reaction. We would just sit there with our mouths agape and admire this wonderful creation. As you can imagine, it is difficult for young children to appreciate hand crafted beauty, especially little boys, but these eggs where so magnificent it truly got our attention. We would hold the egg in our hands and just stare at it in wonderful admiration. In addition to the eggs beauty we also were appreciating the love that aunt Ana had put in to making this egg for us but most of all, as we sat there admiring the beautiful Easter egg we, even as little children knew we were holding the tradition of the Lithuanian people and of Lithuania in our hands. I so vividly remember holding these special eggs in my small hands and saying to myself – This is Lithuania and I am Lithuanian.

I would please ask you to understand that what I wrote of is not about me and not about the Karnila family. What I wrote about was a Lithuanian family, Lithuanian traditions and Lithuania. For every people, their traditions and customs are not only an important part of their past but also an important part of their future. This is so true of Lithuania. The preservation of beautiful ancient traditions has been one of the things that helped the Lithuanian people remain strong and preserve their identity as a people and a nation through so many adverse situations. Unfortunately, every year some of these traditions tend to slip away one by one. While we still practice some of these traditions many have become just a memory.

I wrote this as an invitation to all our readers to write to us telling us about the beautiful Lithuanian Easter traditions that you remember from years gone by and also tell us of the traditions you, your family, friends and neighbors still practice to this day. It is our hope that in sharing these traditions with all our readers you will be reminded of some wonderful tradition from the past and this Easter and for many Easters to come you will again include these traditions in your Easter celebrations. We would also like to remind you that there are many people of Lithuanian nationality living around the world that are desperately trying to find out more about their heritage and about the culture and traditions of their Lithuanian ancestors. By sharing your traditions with all our readers it is very possible that a person, intensely proud of their Lithuanian ancestry, somewhere in the world this Easter will for the first time in their lives be able make some Lithuanian Easter traditions a part of their family’s celebration of the resurrection of Christ.

So dear readers, we invite you to please send to us some of the Lithuanian Easter traditions that are or were an important part of your family so that we can share them with Lithuanians around the world.

Su Dieva
Vin / Vincas Karnila
Associate editor

Scandinavian option
for the Baltic States?
Dangerous undertows erode the stability
of Central and Eastern Europe

By Dr. Stasys Bačkaitis, P.E, CPSM
Board Member of the Central and Eastern European Coalition
Washington Representative of the Lithuanian American Council

 Political and social stability of the Central and Eastern European (CEE) region is being slowly eroded by dangerous undertows.  They tend to undermine the confidence and trust of the people in their governments and in the European Union (EU).  The undertows, originating mostly in Russia, are sowing seeds of political, economic, energy and ethnic discontent as a way of gaining influence in and dominance over the countries that were once controlled by the USSR.

But history doesn’t have to repeat itself, say scholars, government officials, and foreign affairs analysts from a whole host of European and NATO countries. They have been meeting over several past years to not only support the high degree of momentum these former Soviet occupied countries have maintained in working together to realize a range of shared regional priorities and initiatives, but also to address concerns to potential threats before they become problems.  While the region has attained considerable cohesion, significant challenges remain and new ones have emerged from disagreements and diverging perspectives on threats to security, the Euro-zone crisis, relative importance within the EU, and revival of submerged historical-political friction between some of the countries.  Furthermore, resurging Russia and its aggressive political as well as military posturing is creating anxiety in the CEE region and particularly serious in the Baltic countries.  This paper highlights some of these issues addressed in several important conferences during the last couple years and discusses alternatives that could possibly lead to some realignment of power structures within the region.

The conferences
The Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA), held in Washington a Strategy Forum on September 20-21, 2012, to discuss U.S. strategic policy regarding Central Europe.  Among the participants, presenters included several undersecretaries from the UNITED STATES government, presidents from several U.S. Think Tanks, officials from the U.S. Foreign Relations Council, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic, heads of the departments of foreign affairs of Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, Croatia, Slovenia, Romania, a number of ambassadors and important scholars of political affairs of numerous countries throughout the world.  This forum was preceded by a Conference on "Transatlantic Relations" organized by the Washington based Atlantic Council on September 11, 2011. The Conference addressed the need for creation of the Baltic-Scandinavian alliance (NB8) and its benefits to the security of the entire Baltic Sea region and particularly the Baltic States.  A similar topic was discussed on October 9, 2012 at the international conference organized by the University of Vilnius in cooperation with the Swedish Atlantic Council and the Swedish Academy of Military Science.

Reflections on discussions and their findings
The ongoing economic crisis and the threat to "euro’s" survival as the single currency is shaking the foundations of the European integration project, influencing relationships and shared aspirations of the EU member nations, and significantly affecting the image and future prospects of CEE countries.  Surprisingly, these changes may also alter the symbolic perception of the geography of the CEE region from the Western European perspective. The economic crisis in Europe has shown that political and economic viabilities of CEE countries are no longer a drag on beneficial cooperation within EU. The economic downturn has by now significantly reduced international ambitions of the Brussels based EU bureaucracy, and at the same time has greatly diminished illusions of grandeur of some CEE countries. All these lead to more balanced policies among all EU countries.

One of important developments in the European debt crisis and its effect on EU economy is that for the first time in more than six decades, the CEE region is not seen as a symbol of instability and inefficiency, and therefore, not a major threat "to the framework of the civilized European Community".  This change in perception was brought about by the faltering economies, major social unrest, unemployment and inability of dealing with financial problems by peripheral countries of Southern Europe.

Surprisingly, some of the new northern EU member countries, such as Poland, the Czech Republic, and the Baltic States, suddenly showed up as exemplary hardworking, disciplined and stable.  “At least for now, this northern region seems to be finally starting to replace a well entrenched image of the west European citizenry that east of the Elbe begins the dark side of the European continent”, remarked assistant director Jan Havranek of the Czech Ministry of Defense at the CEPA conference

Such an altered image will remain in the long-term, if the CEE region will be able to continue successfully managing its economy, energy, finances, its social affairs and engage constructively in EU policies. Until 2004, the CEE region expended all efforts to distance itself from the communist past in order to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union. It succeeded in this. At the same time, the economic crisis in the southern EU region helped to highlight differences between the various EU regions such as income levels, productivity of the working sectors, infrastructure and cultural gaps, and social responsibility. Noted examples might be comparisons between Poland and Spain, the Baltic countries and Greece, etc.

Seeking common positions
Now,  more than since joining the EU, national and personal political ambitions of some of the leaders of several CEE countries have hindered the establishment of common positions on key issues within the EU agenda. The region’s countries did well when they had to follow the guidance and directives of the EU.  However, reaching agreements by themselves on common CEE regional issues were up to now rarely successful. Even most vitally important, but logically simple issues, succumb to seemingly insurmountable obstacles.  For example, Lithuania chose  to build a Liquid Natural Gas (LNG) terminal by itself, rather than wait for the agreement to build a EU funded common terminal serving all of the Baltic countries;  Latvia and Poland are delaying the construction of Via Baltica which is vitally important for rapid surface transportation into western part of the EU; Latvia decided to expand rail links to Russia rather than giving priority to the construction of Rail Baltica (a European rail connection in south-north direction through the Baltic states and Poland); Lithuania is prolonging disputes with Poland over use of the letter “w” in Lithuania’s passports, etc.  The region is also widely divided regarding the European Monetary Union (EMU).  Estonia upon implementing drastic economic and financial reforms rushed to join the EMU, while the Czech center-right government and its president Klaus Vaclav boasted about the wisdom of keeping the country out of “euro”, said prof. Petr Suchy of the Masaryk University’s International Relations and European Studies Department. While Poland is striving to become the region’s leader in the EU corridors in Brussels, the Czech Republic and Hungary have at times become negative, sniping at Poland’s ambitions, and often challenging proposed EU policies.  The Hungarian Foreign Minister János Martonyi said in Berlin in November 9, 2012, “Hungary has a "vested interest in a strong Euro-zone but will only support its transformation if its members are allowed to take their own path and the zone as a whole remains open to applicants wishing to join it”.

Because of inability by CEE countries to reach consensus on some key issues, the region is not able receive appropriate attention and weigh-in with sufficient influence on matters of international importance in Brussels, Berlin or Paris.  Due to different national political ambitions, the voice of the region at the EU is almost inaudible, even though in terms of the size of the population, it could equal at a minimum that of France or even Germany. Unlike dissent regarding closer political integration and monetary union of the EU, the CEE regional cooperation is most visible at the technical level, i.e. on security and defense issues, scientific and cultural projects.

 
Ed. Lucas of the Economist magazine noted that the European economic crisis has developed, particularly in the Southern region of the EU, into wholesale distrust of EU institutions.

Ed. Lucas of the Economist magazine noted that the European economic crisis has developed, particularly in the Southern region of the EU, into wholesale distrust of EU institutions. As a result, the self-inflated bubble of the EU as a political and military superpower just vanished. Consequently, the European security and defense ambitions are now much more realistic. The economic crisis has led to search for cost savings, pooling and sharing in defense projects, joint military developments of more modest capabilities with the aim to contribute to NATO’s international security capabilities. To be loyal members of NATO and to participate in deeper EU integration are no longer mutually exclusive goals.

Changes in NATO and EU defense concepts
Unlike in the past, NATO and EU now accept the formation of separate regional defense subgroups which can naturally grow, strengthen and assure their own security, defense, environmental, and energy interests, particularly with more modest  support of such efforts by the U.S.  Poland is trying to construct such a subgroup based on Visegrad countries’ participation.  The Nordic countries consisting of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and headed by Sweden, aim to include in its block the three Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania).

Involvement in the Nordic block is less complicated to Latvia and Estonia, because of their affinity to the Protestant ethics and almost a thousand years contact with Germanic and Scandinavian cultures. In contrast, Lithuania’s religious and cultural backgrounds are closer associated with those of Poland.  Moreover, Lithuania shares a common border with Poland.  Its land transport to Western Europe is through Poland.  Although it can connect to Western Europe through the Baltic Sea, the seaway is not an efficient and sufficient substitute for vehicular and rail transport.

Lithuania in Poland’s and Russia’s shadow
Lithuania, according to its geographic proximity and cultural and religious similarities, was inclined up to now to work closely with Poland. However, in the last several years, relations with this “‘strategic” partner have begun to deteriorate.  The tragic death of President Lech Kaczynski and many of his cabinet members in the 2010 plane crash has brought about significant changes in Poland’s political orientation.  The new government has assumed a role of supremacy in the region and began to look down not only on Lithuania, but also on its smaller Visegrad partners. Poland began to see itself as a decisive player in Central and Eastern Europe and of parallel importance to France and Germany with a deciding voice in shaping the future of Europe.

The Polish government has assumed a role of supremacy in the region and began to look down not only on Lithuania, but also on its smaller Visegrad partners. Poland began to see itself as a decisive player in Central and Eastern Europe and of parallel importance to France and Germany with a deciding voice in shaping the future of Europe. (Polish Prime Minster Donald Tusk is pictured above at the Nobel Prize ceremony with German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Francois Holland.)

While Lithuania is seeking recognition from Poland by acknowledgement of partnership at equal terms, the deterioration in good neighbor relations offers at this time no bright prospects for the future.  The post Kaczynski government’s friendly flirtation with Russia, has apparently diminished Poland’s concerns towards security of the Baltic States. They appear to be left to fend for themselves visa-vi Russia. This Polish attitude is not expected to change in the near future unless the current government is forced to modify its attitude either by some external events or by a policy change of a new government.  Similar concerns have been voiced also at the above cited CEPA Conference by the Czech, Slovak and Hungarian speakers noting of difficulty to find in many instances a common language with Poland.  As a result of deteriorating relations with Poland, and the U.S. showing less interest in the European region, Lithuania’s political attention began to drift towards improvement of relations with Russia and neighboring Belarus, and the establishment of a much closer collaboration with the Nordic-Scandinavian block.

While improvement of relations with Russia and Belarus is important, the Baltic States nevertheless cannot close their eyes as Russia is rapidly modernizing and strengthening its armed forces and continues threatening military exercises near their borders. (PICTURE: A military truck carries sections of Russia’s new S-400 anti-aircraft missile system).

While improvement of relations with Russia and Belarus is important, the Baltic States nevertheless cannot close their eyes as Russia is rapidly modernizing and strengthening its armed forces and continues threatening military exercises near their borders.  At the same time, the Baltic States must take into account that a large part of their economic well-being depends on trade with and transit through Belarus and Russia (“Lithuania’s Role in the Northern Distribution Network”, Eurasia Daily Monitor February 1, 2013).   For example, Lithuania’s Department of Statistics reports that 25% to 30% of Lithuania's exports are to these countries, and even a larger proportion is imported from them. Transit of cargo through territories of Belarus and Russia into Asian countries depends on the willingness, particularly  Russia, to allow the Baltic countries’ transport companies to use their road and rail infrastructures. Similar to Latvia’s and Estonia’s seaports handling substantial Russian cargo, Lithuania’s port of Klaipeda (Klaipeda port authority information) transships more than 12 mln. tons per year of Belarus cargo of a total of 36 mln. tons handled yearly by this port.  Lithuania earns from Belarus over 75 litas for each handled ton of cargo. Accordingly, the port of Klaipeda receives for these services from Belarus alone about 1 bln. litas.  Thus Lithuania has little choice than to set its relations with Russia and Belarus based on pragmatic economic interests without compromising its sovereignty. According to parliamentarian V. Gapšys "In dealing with these countries we must be smart and weigh every word we say, remembering that the neighbors can interpret any of our expressions in their own way with long lasting consequences to follow and many years needed to mend them.”

Nordic Countries: assured security or illusion?
In view of Poland’s newly adopted indifference towards the future of the Baltic States and uncertainty of its future political direction as well as aggressive military posturing of Russia and Belarus at their borders, Lithuania is turning for security purposes towards closer affiliation and possible alliance with the Nordic block.  While an effective alliance would be very desirable, it is fraught with distrust of Sweden’s sincerity to come to the aid of the Baltic States in the event of external aggression. It arises from the fact that Sweden neither helped Finland to defend itself when attacked by Russia in 1939, nor protested the invasion and subsequent occupation of the Baltic States by the Soviet Union in 1940 and for nearly 50 years thereafter.  While championing human rights issues in the United Nation’s corridors during post World War II years, Sweden did not voice any concern about the terror, mass annihilation and fate of the Baltic people inflicted by the Soviet Union.  Even after the Baltic people began their quest for independence in late 1980s, Sweden was a silent bystander for several years as the struggle continued against the Russian occupation. Only after the Baltic States restored their independence, Sweden’s financial institutions began a massive inflow into the Baltic countries

According to the Swedish reserve Major General K. Neretnieks, Sweden has begun to realize that its own security is no greater than that of the entire Baltic and Nordic region.  Sweden came to the conclusion three years ago that its security is inseparable from the security of their neighboring countries.  As a result, Sweden began to change its position on neutrality and entertain thoughts on how, in the event of military crises, it could help their neighboring Baltic countries.

As the U.S. begins to focus its attention away from Europe, and as EU's financial support of NATO began to diminish (“In Europe Moment of Truth on  Defense,  Wall Street Journal”, 02/01/2013), Russia started flexing its military muscle in the region (Latvia’s prime minister Dombrovski, Baltic News Service, 01/28/2013). According to the Swedish reserve Major General K. Neretnieks, Sweden began to realize that its own security was no greater than that of the entire Baltic and Nordic region.  Sweden came to the conclusion three years ago that its security is inseparable from the security of their neighboring countries.  As a result, Sweden began to change its position on neutrality and entertain thoughts on how, in the event of military crises, it could help their neighboring Baltic countries. Possible examples of such conflicts and potential resolutions are found in the Swedish Academy of Military Science research collection entitled "Friends in Need: Towards a Swedish Strategy of Solidarity with her Neighbors”, Oct 12, 2012). “Although chances of the Baltic countries being attacked by military force are relatively small, it is important not to be submerged in self-deception by assuming that the heads of Russia will always act rationally”, noted Neretnieks. The basis of their decisions may be different than ours.  They might conclude that certain form of aggression at some point in time is most convenient for them to attain their strategic goals, such as occurred most recently in the invasion of Georgia. Also, no one can say what Russia will be in five, ten, and fifteen years from now. In their study, the Swedish researchers considered three possible scenarios of confrontation and/or conflict: 

First: Crisis arising in peace time. As an example, K. Neretnieks cites Russia’s inspired unrest in Estonia in 2007 created by the relocation of the statue of the bronze soldier.

Second scenario: Peacetime escalation of tensions due to appearance of threatening military posturing. According to the visiting in Vilnius Swedish military reviewers, such a situation is very delicate, because it cannot be established with any assurance if this is merely a Russian military exercise or preparations for serious military action. According to K. Neretnieks, the final resolution of such apparent threats might depend on promptness of NATO with a commensurate response. For example, in an appearing threatening scenario, NATO might deploy limited contingency of troops to Sweden. Here, however, political and bureaucratic problems would be encountered, because Sweden is not a member of NATO.

The third scenario is open military aggression against the Baltic countries. K. Neretnieks notes that initial defense would fall on the Baltic States themselves. They would have to resist long enough until their NATO allies come to the rescue. The control over the entire Baltic Sea and the staging point for countering military operation would be from the Swedish island of Gotland. While use of Swedish territory by NATO forces without declaring war would still be very tricky, in real threat to the Baltic countries use of Gotland would be justified and supported by the Swedish constituency..

Such Swedish defensive thinking is welcome to Lithuania and the other Baltic countries, particularly that it is planned at the level of the entire Nordic partnership. However, Lithuania’s slowness to jump instantly at this opportunity is due to its dissimilar historical, geographical, cultural and ethnic backgrounds from its northern neighbors. To overcome such lack of enthusiasm, political analysts suggest raising public awareness on topics that would be of concern and benefit to constituencies of all countries.  Ed. Lucas cites as examples cooperation in energy projects, protection of environment, ecology, NGO activities, educational and cultural exchanges, and health and safety issues. Substantial orientation by the Baltic States towards Scandinavia can have not only defensive but also significant other benefits.  "Acting in agreement as the entire region and raising jointly our concerns at the EU, we would be heard. In contrast, by acting alone, we relinquish the final decisions to the great powers in the European Parliament and other EU institutions”, says Paksas, the former president of Lithuania. Political scientist T.Janeliūnas agrees that “…the Scandinavian block could become a very close partner to Lithuania, but at the same time good relations with Scandinavia do not have to be an alternative to Poland. It is just a new power balancing factor.”

Considerable attention was created by the British Prime Minister David Cameron convening a Nordic-Baltic Summit in January 2011.  However, the discussions focused primarily on social and economic ideas, instead of security that is of most urgent concern to the Baltic States. Ed. Lucas notes, “that although England's interest would be a positive indicator of the NB8 growing importance, the British armed forces would be neither credible nor of substantial defense value to the Nordic and Baltic Bloc”.

In Search of Ways to Strengthen Nordic and Baltic Ties
Ed. Lucas suggests imminent efforts to strengthen the Nordic and Baltic cooperation by working together on matters of lesser and shorter range significance and addressing the more complicated theoretical issues at an appropriate future time. He encourages expanding communications and beginning to address issues that are of common concern to all involved parties, such as energy, pollution of the Baltic Sea, ecology, narcotics traffic, law enforcement, public safety and terrorism, migration, common research projects, economic cooperation, tourism and other areas.  Such initiatives would open the two regions to better familiarity with and trust of each other as well as increased confidence in each other integrities.  It would also demonstrate to the world that this region not only knows how to live in peace, but also how to assure each other’s safety and security. 

Analyzing compatibility of the Nordic-Baltic countries, Alf. Vanags observes in a study published in the 2012 AABS journal under the title "Economic Integration and Cohesion in the Baltic Sea Region", that a huge difference exists not only between the Nordic and Baltic blocks, but also between the Baltic countries themselves

Analyzing compatibility of the Nordic-Baltic countries, Alf. Vanags observes in a study published in the 2012 AABS journal under the title "Economic Integration and Cohesion in the Baltic Sea Region", that a huge difference exists not only between the Nordic and Baltic blocks, but also between the Baltic countries themselves.  His analysis showed that:

·   The Baltic states, even after twenty years of independence, are considerably poorer than the Scandinavian countries, and are much more affected by the economic crisis;

·   Significant cultural, political and societal maturity differences exist between the Nordic and the Baltic blocks;

·   From the point of view of the Baltic countries, it is evident that the integration agenda of the Baltic states into the Nordic block is largely at the convenience of their rich neighbors;

·   The Baltic countries lack cohesion and willingness to cooperate on tasks of mutual interest;

·   There is neither a shared vision nor approach towards Russia;

·   There are no or only very weak institutions working towards promotion of integration of the two blocks.

Overall conclusion of the study: there is considerable asymmetry and only very narrow common interests between the two blocks other than commonality of the Baltic Sea and its ecology.

Even in the face of such significant differences, Sweden and other Scandinavian countries understand that in case of a conflict in the neighborhood, they cannot remain just bystanders.  They will have to be prepared to react accordingly.  Of first importance is preparation of an overall plan by all of the Nordic and Baltic partners, followed by the establishment and coordination of leadership for operational and management functions, compatibility of organizational structures and weaponry, followed by joint exercises. Although some activities in this direction have already been started, they are far from sufficient.  “It requires substance, rather than declarations on paper of solidarity. Good intentions do not have much credibility, if they are not backed up by joint planning, joint exercises, etc”, says Colonel Bo Hugemark, member of the visiting Swedish delegation.

Of even more importance is the need to secure consent of populations of affected countries.  The only way to move forward is through building public awareness of why integration of the Baltic States into the Nordic block is needed and of benefit.  Public and political support is essential for success.  Ed. Lucas points out the need to focus on demonstration of beneficial accomplishments such as making fragmented practical progress on least controversial elements.  More complex issues should be addressed when they are less volatile to deal with. 

Beneficial interactions between the smaller Baltic and the larger Scandinavian blocks can more readily occur on military issues, such as joint defense planning, procurement sharing, information exchange in cyberspace and energy management, intelligence sharing, maritime and air surveillance, planning and execution of joint emergency/rescue operations, cross-participation in military exercises, etc.  Although Sweden and Finland are not members of NATO, cooperative, limited participation in joint exercises in the Baltic Sea region, joint rescue/disaster/humanitarian projects are items that will find wide public support.  In parallel, for example, the Baltic countries could be invited to play a more active role in Norway’s annual "Cold Response" and other Nordic defense exercises.  Cooperative activities in various projects would allow military officers from different countries the opportunity to relate to each other at personal levels, build mutual trust, and learn of reactions and interactions in emergency situations. Such steps will prepare the five Nordic and the three Baltic countries to respond with integrated and well coordinated defense.  

In a cautionary note, Gen. K. Neretnieks said, the Nordic countries will not drag their Baltic neighbors kicking and screaming into joining the partnership.  The Baltic countries will have to do their best to catch-up and become equals to their Nordic counterparts.  The Nordic countries realize great difficulties for the Baltic countries to catch-up in the near future at the economic level. However, there is little reason for not partnering at the political level while also proportionally sharing expense burdens for common defense. Achieving equivalency is the key to full and successful integration of the Nordic and Baltic Blocks.

And what is in the future?
The euro crisis has shown that economic and financial problems within the EU are difficult to resolve and cooperation for common defense is not very well organized.  In view of EU’s inability to provide adequate funding for NATO's defense needs and while the U.S. is redirecting its attention and energy to Asia, there is no guarantee that Russia will not try to take the opportunity to reclaim the territories that at one time were controlled by the USSR.  Its initial targets might be the more vulnerable countries or regions to defend, particularly those having little significance to major EU players.

Russia’s first choice might be political, social, military and ethnic vulnerabilities of the free Caucasus countries and Ukraine. Second in line of importance are the Baltic States, followed by former satellites of the USSR. Of course, a lot will depend on how quickly can Russia modernize its armed forces and rebuild their striking potential. It also depends on Russia’s success to undermine the confidence of target populations in their respective governments, their social stability, and their national consciousness, as well as the EU’s resolve to support democratic processes of countries at and/or beyond its current borders.

Russia already fired the first shots towards Caucasus, by successfully annexing parts of Georgia and subsequently, influencing the voters in Georgia in October 2, 1012 to elect a parliament favorable to Russia.  Some political scientists believe this to be an initial step in neutralizing Georgia to the level of Ukraine.  Only a couple of weeks later, an agreement of close cooperation was signed on October 13, 2012 in Jeravan between the presidents of Russia and Armenia.  Armenia agreed to extend Russia’s military presence "to assure protection" of its territory”.  Elections in Lithuania on October 14, 2012 resulted in a sharp left turn in its political direction with the Russian born Viktor Uspackich leading Lithuania’s Labor party to the second most popular rank in the number of votes received.  Russian influence in the Lithuanian parliamentary election was confirmed by the news agency Ria Novosti in an article by V.Dubnovo in which he described Viktor Uspaskich as “Our man in Lithuania".  The article notes of the Labor Party leadership’s dependence on support by the Russian gas giant Gazprom.  According to Dubnovo, President Grybauskaite may be forced to allow Uspackich to play a dominant role in shaping Lithuania’s government. And Uspackich, like the siren in Greek mythology, lured Lithuania’s voters with melodious promises to nearly doubling the minimum wage level, raising the nation’s economic vitality, and eliminating unemployment. That this may lead debt plagued Lithuania to full economic and social upheaval, and drive Lithuania into Russia’s arms, is not mentioned.  Only the future will tell if the elected parliament in 2012 will be able to keep Uspackich at bay and the new political leadership will firmly steer Lithuania towards safer shores of the Nordic partnership.

Elections in Lithuania on October 14, 2012 resulted in a sharp left turn in its political direction with the Russian born Viktor Uspackich leading Lithuania’s Labor party to the second most popular rank in the number of votes received.  Russian influence in the Lithuanian parliamentary election was confirmed by the news agency Ria Novosti in an article by V.Dubnovo in which he described Viktor Uspaskich as “Our man in Lithuania".

My encounter with the Dalai Lama

Madhurkankana Roy about her meeting with Dalai Lama in Delhi last Sunday:
There was immense positivity felt in the room. His graceful presence ushered in happiness, a smile on everyone’s face. Awestruck by his presence, the energy generated was beyond comprehension.

“Smile Legacy”

By Madhurkankana Roy. New Delhi, India

The legacy of Swami Vivekananda is relevant to India at a time when the Indian society in particular and world at large is redefining itself to changing times and becoming more just and equitable.

Commemorating 150th birth anniversary celebrations of Swami Vivekananda, the Indian Council for Cultural Relations had organised for an interfaith conference titled 'One World Religions: Diversity, Not Dissension’ to understand the essence of religious faiths and how ‘Religion should be a weapon for self-transformation as well as transformation of the society’ in this age of religious animosities.

Spread out over three days, the conference had magnanimous personalities in the likes of His Holiness Dalai Lama, Maulana Wahiduddin Khan, Rev Mpho Tutu, Dr.Karan Singh and others following nine different faiths, address member audience.

My association with the Conference happened at a professional level. Initially it was more like any other conference organised by ICCR and that my participation would solely be for coordination purpose. With much work to finish I was not really looking at some spiritual upliftment of the self. It was more like a task to be finished successfully. However things started moving at a different pace as the conference gradually moved towards the Valedictory function on the 9th of March 2013.

I was asked to be at the reception for receiving guests. The multipurpose Hall of India International Centre was almost full. The fully packed house reverberated with anticipation, eagerness of people wanting to listen to His Holiness Dalai Lama. As the clock struck 10, the fleet of security vehicles arrived, and after them followed a white sedan. It stopped just in front of the Hall. A man stepped out of the car. People flocked towards him. His Holiness had arrived. I had once read somewhere that his mere presence has touched and transformed millions of lives. Perhaps I was one of them. I was awestruck by his presence. I did not know how to react. His aura almost pushed me to a trance like state for a few moments, until I felt a sudden adrenaline rush and I walked towards him. Amidst the crowd, I saw him smiling at me. He forwarded his right hand. I looked at his eyes and his eyes spoke to me. They had the expression “I am glad to meet you”. I felt blessed.

And he walked ahead of me. I followed.

There was immense positivity felt in the room. His graceful presence ushered in happiness, a smile on everyone’s face. Awestruck by his presence, the energy generated was beyond comprehension. Like the Buddha himself, His Holiness too, with his ever-smiling face, reaches out to people in ways that connect to their individual mental dispositions, abilities, and everyday realities.

His Holiness spoke about Buddhism, co-existence with other faiths, self criticism and reasoning. As was discussed in the Conference, his main concern along with others present there, was how to arrive at a common platform of universal brotherhood. He emphasised on Love and Compassion as the primary weapon to win hearts across the globe. Indeed everyone of us sitting there that day were hit by the weapon of his smiling face. The radiance of his compassionate face transported us to a different level of consciousness.  His humour is the hallmark of His Holiness and speaking in plain simple English, without mincing words, he made the philosophy of life and living so easily understandable. His words weighed and deep and yet so light that they seemed to be flying up to the shining eternity.

My short stint with His Holiness made a huge impact on me. His presence, shaking hands, infused some kind of calmness in me. My unstable, restless mind, felt a kind of peace within, that it was almost like a healing touch. His smile was infectious! I carried it forward, as if I had to preserve and promote his legacy to share a smile as long as I lived.


--
When you are motivated by the desire to transcend suffering, to get out of a difficult situation, and to help others to do the same, you become a powerful source of energy that helps you to do what you want to do to transform yourself and to help people.

11 MARCH 1990
THE DAY LITHUANIA WOKE UP
FROM ITS 50 YEAR NIGHTMARE

Lithuanians rejoice over their newfound independence, 11 March 1990.
Here from Pilies Street in Vilnius Old Town.

By Aage Myhre, Editor in Chief
aage.myhre@VilNews.com

11 March 1990 is one of the most important days in Lithuanian history. It was on this day 23 years ago that the Lithuanian parliament declared renewed freedom and independence for Lithuania, after the country had been occupied by the Soviet Union since World War II. 124 Parliament delegates voted for the declaration, while six were absent.

In that same session, the Parliament elected Professor Vytautas Landsbergis, the leader of the liberation movement Sajūdis, as Parliament President. He won over the Communist Party leader Algirdas Brazauskas with a 91 to 38 vote.

11 March 1990 became a milestone in Lithuania's history because the Lithuanian politicians that day clearly demonstrated the country’s willingness to again become free and independent. Although it took another 18 months before the international community approved the nation’s independence from the Soviet occupying power, it was the 11 March actions that made it clear to the world that Lithuania no longer accepted to be incorporated into a system and a Commonwealth it had been involuntarily incorporated into when the World War II drew to an end.

11 March 1990 was in many ways the day when Lithuania’s new freedom began, and we must believe that this country now will remain free and sovereign forever, based on democratic principles and values corresponding to those having been developing in Western Europe after World War II ended in 1945.

I can very well imagine that many of the 1990 politicians signed the declaration act with trembling pens. They knew what power they challenged, and were fully aware of what reprisals they and the people they represented could expect from the big bear in the east. The Soviet Union was not a superpower to tease or irritate, and they knew that they would not be treated with kid gloves if the bear decided to strike back, reacting to the severance requirement they signed that day.

But they signed. They were brave. Without their signatures on the document shown below, it is quite possible that Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia still today would be unfree republics under the 'protective' bear paws.

Lithuania’s independence declarations of 1918 and 1990 were both signed by wise and courageous political leaders who did not want to accept that their beloved homeland should remain occupied.

They deserve our respect and gratitude!

ABOVE: Seimas, 11 March 1990, the day Lithuania re-claimed its independence.
BELOW: The same Parliament Hall today. 

11 March 1990 

11 March 1990 is one of the most important days in Lithuanian history. It was on this day 23 years ago that the Lithuanian parliament declared renewed freedom and independence for Lithuania, after the country had been occupied by the Soviet Union since World War II. 124 Parliament delegates voted for the declaration (copy below), while six were absent. 

In that same session, the Parliament elected Professor Vytautas Landsbergis, the leader of the liberation movement Sajūdis, as Parliament President. He won over the Communist Party leader Algirdas Brazauskas with a 91 to 38 vote. 

11 March 1990 became a milestone in Lithuania's history because the Lithuanian politicians that day clearly demonstrated the country’s willingness to again become free and independent. Although it took another 18 months before the international community approved the nation’s independence from the Soviet occupying power, it was the 11 March actions that made it clear to the world that Lithuania no longer accepted to be incorporated into a system and a Commonwealth it had been involuntarily incorporated into when the World War II drew to an end. 

11 March 1990 was in many ways the day when Lithuania’s new freedom began, and we must believe that this country now will remain free and sovereign forever, based on democratic principles and values corresponding to those having been developing in Western Europe after World War II ended in 1945. 

While this March day 23 years ago was the beginning of the new time in and for Lithuania, the day was also symbolising that nearly 200 years of tragedies of and for this country had come to a final end. 

Through more than 500 years, from the 1200s when King Mindaugas declared Lithuania one nation, until it was occupied by the Russian Empire in 1795, Lithuania had been a proud and free nation, through some 300 years also one of the world’s greatest powers, stretching from the Baltic to the Black Sea (known as the Grand Duchy of Lithuania). 

The 123 years of occupation from 1795 to 1918, however, became a long and sad chapter for Lithuania, since much of the good qualities this nation once represented in the world community were attempted to be systematically broken down by the Russian Empire occupants. 

When Lithuania at the end of World War I (1914-1918) on 16 February 1918 again could declare itself a free nation, most Lithuanians probably believed that the newly won freedom would remain, but sadly, the new freedom lasted only for 22 years. Vilnius and the surrounding area was occupied by Poland already in 1920 and remained under Polish rule until the Second World War started in 1940, and Kaunas was therefore the capital of Lithuania for the years 1920 – 1940.

Nevertheless, Lithuania grew to become a strong nation during the interwar years, guided by, among others, the most famous Lithuanian leader of those days, President Antanas Smetona. 

World War II and the years just after became extremely tragic for Lithuania, when the nation was torn apart under alternate German and Russian occupation, and virtually all the large Jewish population was wiped out, and Lithuania thereby lost a population group that had meant so much for this nation since the 1300s. 

Also, during the war, tens of thousands of Lithuanians fled to the west, many who today live in the United States, Australia and other countries. Lithuanians were also exposed to extremely tragic abuse from Stalin's Soviet troops and his secret police (known as the KGB), when more than a hundred thousand Lithuanians were deported to Siberia and other areas in the Soviet Union where many of this country’s great citizens were killed or died during very shameful and cruel conditions. 

Already during the WWII years a strong resistance movement occurred, known as the Forest Brothers, who until the middle of the 1950s fought a heroic struggle against the Soviet power from their hiding places in the Lithuanian forests. It is suggested that around 20,000 Lithuanians and 70,000 soldiers from Stalin's Red Army and the KGB were killed during those post-war years. 

Lithuania became in 1990-1991 the first country that managed to detach itself from the Soviet Union. Latvia and Estonia followed soon after. We should all today be proud that this little country so bravely dared to stand up against the powerful Soviet powers. We should all be extremely happy that this little nation again enjoys freedom and democracy under the principle of equality for all its citizens, and we should be happy about the fact that 11 March 1990 was the day when Lithuania could finally put behind itself nearly 200 years of atrocities and suffering for its people – a people that had deserved so much better due to its proud history. 

The Lithuanian Independence Act from 11 March 1990.