THE VOICE OF INTERNATIONAL LITHUANIA
VilNews has its own Google archive! Type a word in the above search box to find any article.
You can also follow us on Facebook. We have two different pages. Click to open and join.
|
Text: Aage Myhre
aage.myhre@VilNews.com
Klaipeda, the one and only Lithuanian coastline city, is called “the jewel in the amber crown,” a term that truly suits it, although to Lithuanians living inland the city is largely regarded as simply being the country’s port on the Baltic Sea.
Yet Klaipeda, which has a venerable history dating back to 1252, is far more than that. The sea, as a commercial port and as a replenishing source of food, sustains Klaipeda’s prosperity, but vistas of the sea add to the city’s beauty, and the scent of the sea that spices the air is a health-restoring elixir that quickens the step.
We fell in love with Klaipeda on a recent weekend, and we hope that what he found will inspire you to visit this modern, maritime, melting pot of over 150,000 inhabitants. It’s a destination that you are certain to enjoy.
The 300-kilometer, divided motorway from Vilnius to Klaipėda must be the easiest superhighway to drive in all of Europe, with very little traffic on the four lanes. So, if motoring from Vilnius, simply turn on your cruise control and enjoy a relaxing, three-hour trip through scenic rural views and undulating forest vistas on your way west. For those without wheels, there’s a deluxe, express bus that connects the two cities, and should you live abroad, you can fly from a number of European cities direct to Palanga, just thirty kilometers from Klaipėda.
It quickly struck us that the look of Klaipėda differs from the inland Lithuanian cities, as it shows the influence of Germanic architecture of the Hanseatic period, with many lattice-work buildings that reflect its Prussian past. Klaipėda was formerly called Memel, which is also the German name for the Nemunas River. In contrast, Klaipeda -- its present Lithuanian name -- reflects what the terrain of this city probably looked like on its founding some 760 years ago, for Klaipeda derives from the word “klaipė pėdas,” meaning “marshy footprint.”
|
|
|
On our first venture after arrival we strolled through Klaipeda’s Old Town, starting from Theatre Square that today very much functions as a market for local souvenirs and more. In the middle of this square stands a sculpture of Ann of Tharau, dedicated to the German poet Simon Dach, who was born and lived in Klaipėda and who fell deeply in love with this girl he was never to marry. The name of this square comes from the Drama Theatre to one side. Since the 18th century this theatre has continually played an important role in the cultural life of Klaipėda; in the 19th century its façade was reconstructed in a neo-classic style. Surrounding this square are fine restaurants, lively nightclubs, a casino, and a very delightful jazz club.
|
|
|
Nearby Aukštoji Street was our next destination; here we discovered the oldest buildings of the city, dating back to the 18th century. Some had latticework facades while others were of brick and stucco. Interspersed between these buildings are narrow alleyways with attractive courtyards, art galleries, cafés, and small boutiques. Browsing through these labyrinths in search of interesting objects of art could consume your day, and if that isn’t enough to keep the visitor occupied, the adjacent outdoor market provides another venue for lively bargaining. When shopping, think amber, keeping in mind that Klaipėda is considered to be the amber capital!
A stroll along the Dane River
|
|
Klaipeda’s Old Town connects to its New Town by two bridges over the river Dane. One unremarkable bridge was built in dreary Soviet times whereas the older, more interesting bridge has a beautiful metal framework in Jugend-style with metal lamps that are reflected in the river’s calm flow. On the Old Town side, at the river’s edge, are a series of restored warehouses, containing attractive cafés and shops, that end at the ferryboat quay. Other Klaipeda attractions include a spanking new cruise ship terminal and an old castle museum that displays artifacts from the 16th to 18th centuries, among them some armor made for a possible Swedish attack!
The ferry to the Curonian Spit takes but a few minutes; it is a “must-do” trip for every visitor. While crossing you can best see the endless row of dockside cranes and ships being built or repaired. This ferry gets you to the famous Maritime Museum (normally also to the Aquarium and Dolphinarium (that now is closed for renovation until 2012). You can also view some forty species of fish from Lithuanian rivers and lakes, along with more exotic examples of aquatic life -- tropical fish, seals, and penguins. This is the sole maritime museum on the eastern coast of the Baltic Sea and it provides great fun for youngsters and the young at heart!
While you are here, do not miss driving out to Melnragė Pier for an awesome view. From this vantage point, you can see the enormous port area and the magnificent sea in panorama. It’s especiallty impressive at evening when the orange sun sinks beneath the jade-colored waves. Should you happen to arrive when the sea is stormy, a walk on the shore right after the storm may be rewarded by finding pieces of amber – Lithuania’s gold – dislodged from depths of the sea.
|
|
So on your mark, get set, and go. Klaipėda and the Baltic Sea await your arrival!
Places to visit
1. The Maritime Museum 2. Aquarium and Dolphinarium (closed for renovation until 2012) 3. The Pier in Melnragė 4. The Old Town 5. The Castle Museum 6. Biržos Bridge 7. John’s Hill 8. The History Museum of Lithuania Minor 9. The Blacksmith’s Shop Museum 10. The Nature Museum 11. Klaipeda Picture Gallery
|
12. Klaipeda Art Exhibition House 13. Klaipeda Artists’ House 14. The Drama Theatre 15. The Musical Theatre 16. Pilies Theatre 17. The statue of Ann from Tharau 18. The Clock Museum 19. The Carillon 20. Sculpture Park 21. Klaipeda University
|
Friedricho Pasažas (Friedrich Passageway, also called Friedrich Town) – is a truly unique oasis in downtown Klaipėda (located at Tiltų Street 26a, near the city’s old market).
According to historic documents, during the rule of Friedrich III, during the period of 19-29 June 1692, this place received official permission given by the citizens to be called Friedrichsstadt (Friedrich Town) based on an act from 1639. On 9 June 1707 Friedrichsstadt received its own coat of arms which on one side features a male figure with a wreath of oak leaves, whereas the other side contains the intertwined initials FR (Friedrich Rex – King Friedrich) under a crown.
It is in the Friedricho Pasažas that you might find yourself asking; “Is this really Lithuania?” Because once you enter this cozy and lively courtyard, you will feel as if you are in a world of its own, and you will soon find yourself ready to sit down and relax, try freshly prepared fish or meat dishes, exotic salads, pizzas, or simply sip some wine or coffee.
It was in 2006 that the new owner of the courtyard and the surrounding buildings began major re-construction works with the purpose to re-create the Friedrich town, create excellent restaurants and an ambience you hardly find anywhere else in Lithuania or neighbouring states.
The former courtyard between the houses has been turned into a true, unique oasis of restaurants and small shops.
Here are the restaurants you will be met by when entering the Friedrich Pasažas:
Friedrich Restaurant features Mediterranean dishes and selected wines. The olives are brought from Spain especially for this restaurant, also marinated right here. The restaurant also offers the world-renowned cured Spanish ham (jamon), as well as locally baked Greek bread and a variety of tasty appetizers and main dishes.
Gurman‘s Tea and Coffee House invites you to try more than a hundred types of the J. Balvočiūtės herbal teas. You can also bring the teas home. In addition, this place offers a great variety of coffees, freshly made pies, buns, sweets and salads.
Friedrich Wine Restaurant offers a great selection of wines from around the world. They pride themselves in offering exclusive wines, which you might save for very special occasions. If you are celebrating your birthday or any other fantastic happening, the staff will be able to recommend champagne or sparkling wines according to any taste. They will also be happy to suggest appetizers and cheese complementing the beverages. At the wine restaurant you will also find a wide variety of wine accessories.
Friedrich Pizzeria is a special place for all who love pizzas. They specialize in authentic Italian pizzas and work hard to offer the very best! Their main goal is to keep the authentic traditions and recipes of pizza making…
Friedrich Pub is a unique place, quite different from most other pubs in Lithuania, serving traditional dishes local to the Klaipeda region and old times Lithuania, like wild quail with mashed potatoes, “Memel” gingerbread and carrot cake...It is claimed that it’s only here you can get eel in wine sauce!
Fashion Cult is a designer store that sells stylish male and female outfits as well as accessories.
Ayurveda Massage and Rituals has just opened. Their specialty lies in the connection between the healing power of both touch and smell. During the massage sessions they use natural oils and herbs. A unique heat therapy is said to help in creating natural balance, strengthens immune system, and improves blood circulation.
Trapiche Steakhouse has only recently opened its doors. The restaurant chefs’ specialty are steaks prepared to perfection over the grill. They serve traditional beefsteaks but also grill pork, fish, game and lamb.
The owners of the Friedricho Pasažas are now planning to build a glass roof over the entire passageway. A project expected to be finished by the end of 2011, making this an oasis with summer mood and continued attractiveness all year around!
The bars and restaurants at Friedricho Pasažas are all nicely furnished and decorated.
Friedrich Guesthouse
A small hotel, with six elegant suites, is also connected to the Friedricho Pasažas.
Receptionist Monika Plataunaite takes well care of all guests.
The small Friedrich Hotel or Guesthouse at the Pasažas has only six rooms, or suites if to be more correct.
The hotel is beautifully decorated and furnished, providing excellent facilities for its guests. A pearl of its own!
The above illustration is from the web page
http://www.bork-on-line.de/Memel/index.htm
This web page includes very much interesting
information about Klaipeda (Memel) of those days!
In the early 1200s, the Teutonic Knights (‘Order of Brothers of the German House of Saint Mary in Jerusalem’) started building a castle in the Pilsāts Land of the Curonians and named it Memelburg; later the name was shortened to Memel.
From 1252-1923 and from 1939–1945, the town and city was officially named Memel. Due to political changes between 1923 and 1939, both names were in official use; since 1945 the Lithuanian name of Klaipėda is used.
The names Memelburg and Memel are found in most written sources from the 13th century onwards, while Klaipėda is found in Lithuania-related sources since the 15th century. The first time the city was mentioned as Caloypede in the letter of Vytautas in 1413, for the second time in the negotiation documents of 1420 as Klawppeda, and for the third time in the Treaty of Melno of 1422 as Cleupeda. According to Samogitian folk etymology, the name Klaipėda refers to the boggy terrain of the town (klaidyti=obstruct and pėda=foot). Most likely the name is of Curonian origin and means "even ground": „klais/ klait“ (flat, open, free) und “ped“ (sole of the foot, ground).
The lower reaches of the Neman River were named either *Mēmele or *Mēmela by Scalovians and local Curonian inhabitants. In the Latvian Curonian language it means mute, silent (memelis, mimelis, mēms). This name was adopted by speakers of German and also chosen for the new city founded further away at the lagoon.
A settlement of Baltic tribes in the territory of the present-day city is said to have existed in the region as early as the 7th century.
In the 1240s the Pope offered King Håkon IV of Norway the opportunity to conquer the peninsula of Sambia (the peninsula northwest of today’s Kaliningrad). However, following the personal acceptance of Christianity by Grand Duke Mindaugas of Lithuania, the Teutonic Knights and a group of crusaders from Lübeck moved into Sambia, founding unopposed a fort in 1252 recorded as Memele castrum (or Memelburg, "Memel Castle"). The fort's construction was completed in 1253 and Memel was garrisoned with troops of the Teutonic Order, administered by Deutschmeister Eberhard von Seyne. Documents for its foundation were signed by Eberhard and Bishop Heinrich von Lützelburg of Courland on 29 July 1252 and 1 August 1252.
Master Conrad von Thierberg used the fortress as a base for further campaigns along the Neman River and against Samogitia. Memel was unsuccessfully besieged by Sambians in 1255, and the scattered Sambians submitted by 1259. Memel was colonized by settlers from Holstein, Lübeck and Dortmund, hence Memel also being known at the time as Neu-Dortmund, or "New Dortmund". It became the main town of the Diocese of Curonia, with a cathedral and at least two parochial churches, but the development of the castle became the dominant priority. According to different sources, Memel received Lübeck city rights in 1254http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Klaip%C4%97da - cite_note-2 or 1258.
In the spring and summer of 1323, a Lithuanian army led by Gediminas came up the Neman and laid siege to the castle of Memel after conquering the town, and devastated Sambia, forcing the Order to sue for a truce in October. During the planning of a campaign against Samogitia, Memel's garrison of the Teutonic Order's Livonian branch was replaced with knights from the Prussian branch in 1328. Threats and attacks by Lithuanians greatly thwarted the town's development; the town and the castle were both sacked by Lithuanian tribes in 1379, while Samogitians attacked 800 workers rebuilding Memel in 1389.
Historical view of Memel, which is the old German name for the city.
The Treaty of Melno in 1422 stabilized the border between the Teutonic Order and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania for the next 501 years. The rebuilt town received Kulm law city rights in 1475. Memel remained part of what became Prussia and Germany; the border to Lithuania remained unchanged until 1919. It was one of the longest-lasting borders in Europe, and is referred to in the now-unsung first verse of the German national anthem, which describes borders of German-speaking lands: Von der Maas bis an die Memel, referring to the Meuse river in the West and Neman river in the East.
Duchy of Prussia.
Against the wishes of its governor and commander, Eric of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, Memel adopted Lutheranism after the conversion of Hohenzollern Margrave of Brandenburg Albert of Prussia and the creation of the Duchy of Prussia as a fief of Poland in 1525. It was the onset of a long period of prosperity for the city and port. It served as a port for neighbouring Lithuania, benefiting from its location near the mouth of the Neman, with wheat as a profitable export. The Duchy of Prussia was inherited by a relative, John Sigismund, the Hohenzollern prince-electors of the March of Brandenburg in 1618. Brandenburg-Prussia began active participation in regional policy, which affected the development of Memel. From 1629-1635, the town was occupied bySweden over several periods during the Polish-Swedish War of 1625-1629 and the Thirty Years' War.
After the Treaty of Königsberg in 1656 during the Northern Wars, Elector Frederick William opened Memel's harbor to Sweden, with whom the harbor's revenue was divided. Prussian independence from Poland and Sweden was affirmed in the Treaty of Olivain 1660.
The construction of a defence system around the entire town, initiated in 1627, noticeably changed its status and prospects. In November 1678 a small Swedish army invaded Prussian territory, but was unable to capture the fortress of Memel.
Kingdom of Prussia
Timber frame buildings in the centre of Klaipėda.
By the beginning of the 18th century, Memel was one of the strongest fortresses (Memelfestung) in Prussia, and the town became part of the Kingdom of Prussia in 1701. Despite its fortifications, it was captured by Russian troops during the Seven Years' War in 1757. Consequently, from 1757–1762 the town, along with the rest of eastern Prussia, was dependent on the Russian Empire. After this war ended, the maintenance of the fortress was neglected, but the town's growth continued.
Memel became part of the province of East Prussia within the Kingdom of Prussia in 1773. In the second half of the 18th century Memel's lax customs and Riga's high duties enticed Englishtraders, who established the first industrial sawmills in the town. In 1784, 996 ships arrived in Memel, 500 of which were English. (In 1900 there was still an active English church in Memel, as well as a 'British Hotel'). The specialisation in wood manufacturing guaranteed Memel's merchants income and stability for more than a hundred years. During this era it also normalised its trade relations with Königsberg; regional instability had degraded relations since the 16th century.
Memel prospered during the second half of the 18th century by exporting timber to Great Britain for use by the Royal Navy. In 1792, 756 British ships visited the town to transport lumber from the Lithuanian forests near Memel. In 1800 its imports consisted chiefly of salt, iron and herrings; the exports, which greatly exceeded the imports, were corn, hemp, flax, and, particularly, timber. The 1815 Encyclopædia Britannica stated that Memel was "provided with the finest harbour in the Baltic".
During the Napoleonic Wars, Memel became the temporary capital of the Kingdom of Prussia. Between 1807 - 1808, the town was the residence of King Frederick William III, his consort Louise, his court, and the government. On 9 October 1807 the king signed a document in Memel, later called the October Edict, which abolished serfdom in Prussia. It originated the reforms of Karl Freiherr vom und zum Stein and Karl August von Hardenberg. The land around Memel suffered major economic setbacks under Napoleon Bonaparte's Continental System. During Napoleon's retreat from Moscow after the failed invasion of Russia in 1812, General Yorck refused Marshal MacDonald's orders to fortify Memel at Prussia's expense.
Ännchen von Tharau figure reconstruction in front of the theatre in honor of Simon Dach.
German Empire
After the unification of Germany into the German Empire in 1871, Memel became Germany's most northerly city.
The development of the town in the 19th century was influenced by the industrial revolution in Prussia and the attendant processes of urbanisation. Even though the population of Memel increased fourfold during the 19th century, and had risen to 21,470 by 1910, its pace of development lagged in comparison. The reasons for this were mostly political. Memel was the northernmost and easternmost city in Germany, and although the government was engaged in a very costly tree-planting exercise to stabilise the sand-dunes on the Curonian Spit, most of the financial infusions in the province of East Prussia were concentrated in Königsberg, the capital of the province. Some notable instances of the German infrastructure investments in the area included sandbar blasting and a new ship canal between Pillau and Königsberg, which enabled vessels of up to 6.5 m draughts to moor alongside the city, at a cost of 13 million marks.
Owing to the absence of heavy industry in the 1870s and 1880s, the population of Memel stagnated, although wood manufacturing persisted as the main industry. It remained the central point of the Baltic timber-trade. A British Consul was located in the town in 1800; in 1900 a British Vice-Consul was recorded there, as well as a Lloyd's Agent.
A narrow gauge railway station in 1920.
By 1900 steamer services had been established between Memel and Cranz (on the southern end of the Curonian Spit), and also between Memel and Tilsit. A main-line railway was built from Insterburg, the main East Prussian railway junction, to St. Petersburg via Eydtkuhnen, the Prussian frontier station. The Memel line also ran from Insterburg via Tilsit, where a further direct line connected with Königsberg, that crossed the 4 km wide Memel River Valley over three bridges before its arrival in Memel.
During the second half of the 19th century, Memel was a center for the publication of books printed in the Lithuanian language using the Latin alphabet - these publications were prohibited in the nearby Russian Empire. The books were then smuggled over the border into Lithuania.
The German 1910 census lists the Memel Territory population as 149,766, of whom 67,345 declared Lithuanian to be their first language. The Germans greatly predominated in the town and port of Memel as well as in other nearby villages; the Lithuanian population was predominant in the area's rural districts. (EB, 1938 Year Book, see map of languages)
Inter-war years
Marktstrasse with St. John's Church
Under the Treaty of Versailles after World War I, Klaipėda and the surrounding Klaipėda Region (Memel Territory) were detached from Germany and made a protectorate of the Entente States. The French became provisional administrators of the region until a more permanent solution could be worked out. Both Lithuania and Poland campaigned for their rights in the region. However, it seemed that the would become a free city, similar to the Free City of Danzig. Not waiting for an unfavorable decision, the Lithuanians decided to stage the Klaipėda Revolt, take the region by force, and present the Entente with fait accompli. The revolt was carried out in January 1923 while western Europe was distracted by the occupation of the Ruhr. The Germans tacitly supported the action, while the French offered only limited resistance.[5] The League of Nations protested the revolt, but accepted the transfer in February 1923. The formal Klaipėda Convention was signed in Paris on May 8, 1924, securing extensive autonomy for the region.
The annexation of the city had enormous consequences for the Lithuanian economy and foreign relations. The region subsequently accounted for up to 30% of the Lithuania's entire production. Between 70% and 80% of foreign trade passed through Klaipėda. The region, which represented only about 5% of Lithuania's territory, contained a third of its industry. The Weimar Germany, under Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann, maintained normal relations with Lithuania. However, Nazi Germany desired to reacquire the region and tensions rose. Pro-German parties won clear supermajorities in all elections to the Klaipėda Parliament, which often antagonized with the Lithuanian-appointed Klaipėda Directorate. Lithuanian efforts to "re-Lithuanize" Prussian Lithuanians by promoting Lithuanian language, culture, education were often met with resistance from the locals. In 1932, a conflict between the Parliament and the Directorate had to be resolved by the Permanent Court of International Justice. In 1934–1935, the Lithuanians attempted to combat increasing Nazi influence in the region by arresting and prosecuting over 120 Nazi activists for the alleged plot to organize an anti-Lithuanian rebellion.[8] Despite rather harsh sentences, the defendants in the so-called Neumann–Sass case were soon released under pressure from Nazi Germany. The extensive autonomy guaranteed by the Klaipėda Convention prevented Lithuania from blocking the growing pro-German attitudes in the region.
As tensions in pre-war Europe continued to grow, it was expected that Germany would make a move against Lithuania to reacquire the region. German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop of delivered an ultimatum to the Lithuanian Foreign Minister on 20 March 1939, demanding the surrender of Klaipėda. Lithuania, unable to secure international support for its cause, submitted to the ultimatum and, in exchange for the right to use the new harbour facilities as a Free Port, ceded the disputed region to Germany in the late evening of 22 March 1939. Adolf Hitler personally visited the harbour and delivered a speech to the city residents. This was Hitler's last territorial acquisition prior to World War II.
1945-Present
Litas commemorative coin dedicated to Klaipėda city.
During World War II, from the end of 1944 into 1945, as Allied victory appeared imminent, the inhabitants were evacuated as the fighting drew nearer. The nearly empty city was captured by the Soviet Red Army on 28 January 1945 with only about 50 remaining people. Those who remained were later expelled or killed. After the war the Memel Territory was incorporated into the Lithuanian SSR, marking the start of a new epoch in the history of the city.
The Soviets transformed Klaipėda, the foremost ice-free port in the Eastern Baltic, into the largest piscatorial-marine base in the European USSR. A gigantic shipyard, dockyards, and a fishing port were constructed. Subsequently, by the end of the 1950s, the population of the city had doubled its pre-war population, and by 1989 there were 203,000 inhabitants. In the aftermath of World War II almost all the new residents came to Klaipėda from Russia, Belarus, Ukraine and Lithuania. Initially the Russian-speakers dominated local government in the city, but after the death of Joseph Stalin, more people came to the city from the rest of Lithuania than from other Soviet republics and oblasts; Lithuanians then became its major ethnic group. Among Lithuanian cities with a population greater than 100,000, however, Klaipėda has the highest percentage of people whose native language is Russian.
Until the 1970s, Klaipėda was only important to the USSR for its economy, while cultural and religious activity was minimal and restricted. The developers of a Roman Catholic church (Maria, Queen of Peace, constructed 1957-1962) were arrested. The city began to develop cultural activities in the 1970s and 1980s, such as the introduction of the Sea Festival cultural tradition. Based on the Pedagogical University of Šiauliaiand the National Conservatory of Lithuania in Klaipėda, the University of Klaipėda was established in 1991. Klaipėda is now the home of a bilingual German-Lithuanian institution, the Hermann-Sudermann-Schule, as well as an English-language University, LCC International University.
Coat of arms
The coat of arms of Klaipėda is also used as coat of arms of Klaipėda city municipality. The modern version was created by the designer Kęstutis Mickevičius. The modern coat of arms was created by restoring old seals of the Memel city (analogous with those used in the years 1446, 1605 and 1618). It was affirmed on July 1, 1992.
Source: Wikipedia
1748
"A Chart of the Baltic Sea, Gulfs of Finland and Bothnia, with the Sound, Drawn from the Best Maps & Charts by T. Jefferys, Geographer to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales"
The Baltic Sea was known as the Mare Suebicum or Mare Sarmaticum at the time of the Roman Empire.
Since the Viking age, the Scandinavians have called it "the Eastern Lake", but Saxo Grammaticus recorded in Gesta Danorum an older name Gandvik, "-vik" being Old Norse for "bay", which implies that the Vikings correctly regarded it as an inlet of the sea.
In the early Middle Ages, Vikings of Scandinavia fought for power over the sea with Slavic Pomeranians. The Vikings used the rivers of Russia for trade routes, finding their way eventually all the way to Black Sea and southern Russia.
Finland and the Baltic states were the last in Europe to be converted into Christianity in the Northern Crusades: the former in the 12th century by the Swedes and the latter in the 13th century by the Germans. First the Livonian Brothers of the Sword and then the powerful German Teutonic Knights held the Baltic countries and fought with Danes and the Swedes, while the foundations of Russia were being laid in Novgorod.
Later on, the strongest economic force in Northern Europe became the Hanseatic league, which used the Baltic Sea to establish trade routes between its member cities. In the 16th and early 17th centuries, Poland, Denmark and Sweden fought wars for Dominium Maris Baltici (Ruling over the Baltic Sea). Eventually, it was the Swedish empire that virtually encompassed the Baltic Sea. In Sweden the sea was then referred to as Mare Nostrum Balticum (Our Baltic Sea). In the 18th century Russia and Prussia became the leading powers over the sea.
Prepared by: dr. Stasys Bačkaitis, P.E., SAE Fellow
In the last few years, the world's gas markets have and are still experiencing a revolution. Thanks to the newly developed U.S. technology, that allows drilling into shale formations and breaking them apart for extraction of gas, knowledge on how to tap into such gas resources became available to any country in the world. -This process, allowed the United States today to supply more than 23% of its internal gas needs and increase it to 40% in approx. 5-6 years. U.S. success, led many other countries to start searching for and extracting gas in their own territories. The result is a substantial decline in gas prices. Increased supply of gas and its transportation in liquefied form have become so plentiful that the United States, which had previously imported it, now began its massive export. Gas reserves are expected to increase globally in the foreseeable future at least 4% per year.
Gas extraction from shale deposits
Geologists have known for a long time about shale rocks containing gas deposits. However, the technology to reach them and to extract gases from the deposits was developed only a few years ago. In this process, rocks are drilled vertically to depths of several thousand meters. Once the desired layer of shale rock is reached, the drill head is oriented to continue drilling horizontally several kilometers away of the vertical. After the necessary underground targets are prepared, pipes are inserted into the drilled out boreholes and reinforced on the outside by blown-in concrete. Subsequently, the pipes are pressure filled with a special liquid mixture. The shale rock is penetrated by pulsating thrusts of the pressurized liquid through special openings in the pipe. As a result of the pulsating pressure, fissures in the shale rock develop and keep expanding until a desired penetration level is reached. During the expansion, sand is injected into the fissures to prevent their collapse. Upon relief of the water pressure, the compressed liquid mixture, now containing gas, shoots out like champagne from a suddenly uncorked bottle. Escaping gases are then directed by special devices to gas storage facilities.
A special liquid mixture is used in the drilling and gas extraction process. It involves millions of gallons of water, mixed with sand and special chemicals, which facilitate drilling, reduce pipe corrosion, etc. Although the chemicals are only ½ per cent of the injected liquid mixture, most of them are toxic and dangerous to human health. If an unexpected equipment breakage were to occur during the drilling process, underground spillage of the special mixture could contaminate the penetrated aquifers. Similarly, any spillage and leakage from holding ponds containing used drilling liquids could contaminate the entire region’s drinking waters. They are extremely difficult, if not impossible, to neutralize, because in many instances the content of the chemicals in the drilling mixture is proprietary, different with each driller, and not readily disclosed even to the regulating authorities. Shale gas drillers are now under extreme pressure by environmental and public health departments and community organizations to improve the gas extraction methods and to find safe for human health substitutes for toxic chemicals.
Resources in Lithuania
For a few weeks now, Lithuania’s government has been making public announcements about shale gas deposits in Lithuania. While their existence has been known for a long time, only the development of horizontal drilling and fracture technologies of shale deposits has brought a glimmer of hope of extracting gas for the country’s own use. The news of these gas resources has created considerable public interest and enthusiasm for attaining energy self sufficiency. It has become even more relevant, when Lithuania’s energy minister Sekmokas, while visiting Washington, D.C. in May of 2011, was informed by the U.S. Energy Information Resources Agency director, Richard Newell, that the south-western region of Lithuania may indeed contain significant shale deposits. Minister Sekmokas, upon his return from Washington, announced that shale deposits in Lithuania might be sufficient to supply the country’s energy needs for 30-50 years. If true, it would completely change the energy situation in Lithuania and help to attain energy security for a long time to come.
It seems that discussions about shale gas resources in Lithuania have a good foundation. Consultants on shale gas deposits note, that Poland has most likely the largest shale deposits in Europe. They extend from the entire north coast of Poland to its distant southeast border. They could contain over 5 trillion cubic meters of shale gas. Some of these deposits extend into the south-western and western regions of Lithuania. Preliminary data indicate that 1 square km of shale rock area will yield about 390 million cubic meters of deliverable gas. However, currently there is virtually no knowledge of how many square kilometers of shale rock are within Lithuania’s territory. The energy ministry noted that further drilling and testing will be conducted to make appropriate assessments.
Promise of bountiful energy and potential environmental risks
Although the first indications of bountiful energy supplies are received by cheers from shale gas fans, the euphoria, however, is laced sometimes by subdued warnings that cheap and bountiful gas might be just an unjustifiable and unrealizable illusion. The murmurs are even uttered even by some Western experts and analysts. There are several reasons for this:
1. In depth research of shale deposits by U.S. geologists cover in good depth primarily the territory of the United States. Their knowledge about shale gas formations in other parts of the world are more theoretical deductions based on a relatively limited number of explored wells. Although news about the potential shale deposits in Lithuania are much welcome, they will need to be supported by concrete evidence from deposits extracted from drillings of hundreds of exploratory wells. Potential resource assessment may take two, three, even four years. Only then will it be possible to assert which of the areas have formations with sufficient amounts of gas, and if there are opportunities to extract it at a reasonable price. It should be noted that not all shale formations contain gas. Past experience has shown that dozens of exploratory wells yielded not even one cubic foot of gas. Drilling does not always hit the sweet spot of high gas concentration, or it might find low levels of concentration that would not justify commercial extraction. Inasmuch as initial exploratory wells cost between three and eight mln. USD, drillers have to be fairly certain that the intended exploration area is large enough and has sufficient gas yield potential to justify initial research expenditures.
2. The greatest risk of extracting gas from shale deposits is contamination or even poisoning of drinking water resources. Contamination of water resources can occur during the drilling process towards the shale formation, through the escape of gas and/or drilling liquids via alternative paths after fracturing the shale rock, by bursts of underground pipes, or by pipe connection defects. Theoretically, ground water contamination by diluted mixtures of chemicals can be avoided since most ground waters are considerably above the shale rock deposits. However, drilling and gas extraction processes are not hermetically sealed operations, rock formations have voids, and mistakes and accidents do occur. In such cases leakage, seepage and underground spills can have serious consequences. According to U.S. media, drinking water contamination problems have been encountered at a number of drilling sites in the Marcellus formation region, encompassing Pennsylvania, Ohio and West Virginia regions, an area of approximately 250 thousand square kilometers. The contaminations involved, in some instances, ground waters, and in others streams and rivers. The media also cited a growing number of complaints by area residents of unexpected and strange health problems, death of animals grazing in meadows in the vicinity of drilling sites, and even ignition of water flowing out of kitchen faucets. Environmental authorities observe that the current water treatment systems have great difficulty coping with the contaminants, since they are numerous and many times unknown. According to the Texas environmental agency, of 37 shale gas wells tested for contaminants, 13 were found containing toxins considerably higher than allowable tolerance limits for human health. As a result, a number of gas well operations were terminated by orders of Pennsylvania and New York state health authorities. The state of New Jersey adopted a law in July 2011, prohibiting shale gas extraction in the entire state, until the license applying operator provides evidence that any materials used in shale rock drilling and fracturing processes will be absent of ingredients posing risk to human health. Similar legislation was also adopted by France. The city of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, as a result of contamination of its aquifer, advised its inhabitants in spring of 2011 to avoid use of city supplied water for drinking and food preparation
3. Underground shale gas production consumes significant amounts of water that is lost forever. In areas where availability of water resources is critical or is not in abundance, water scarcity could develop for human needs, particularly if the water for the extraction of shale gas is drawn from underground aquifers. Each repeated fracturing operation consumes some 13 million gallons of water which can in some areas deplete local reservoirs. Accordingly, Energy Business Insider notes, the notion that shale-gas could become the next gold rush may be jeopardized, particularly because its production in some regions might conflict with human needs. In other instances shale gas extraction may be impossible due to unavailability of water. As demand on water resources grows, it will become an important consideration in the shale gas energy agenda alongside cost, carbon and security considerations.
4. According to the U.S. Energy Department estimates, Poland’s shale gas reserves could exceed 5 trillion cubic meters, sufficient to satisfy that country’s energy needs for some 300 years. However, Poland seems to be in no rush to exploit these resources. It appears that they are doing this for several good reasons:
First is the price. According to the Wall Street Journal, European shale gas formations are more than one and a half times deeper from the surface than those in U.S. This makes the search for and extraction of gas not only more complicated, but also considerably more expensive. Oxford Institute noted that the cost of extracting one thousand cubic feet of gas in the U.S. is about 3 USD, while the. cost of extraction from deeper formations in Europe will be more than 16 USD. As is, it would be impossible to compete with the current price of gas supplied by Gazprom, which at the delivering pipe is between 6 and 8 USD per thousand cubic feet. At this price level, it is far more economical for Poland to buy gas from Russia or to import it in liquid form from someplace else rather than to extract from own deposits. Once the imported gas prices rise to internally extractable levels, Poland then will initiate shale gas exploitation.
The second factor is technological advancement. Over time, shale gas extraction technology will become more efficient, cheaper, less damaging to the environment and without danger to human health. Drilling will also become less expensive, because in several years competition to conduct gas extraction will be far more intensive
The third factor is competition and time advantages. Poland, by using competitive leverages in purchasing gas from several suppliers will achieve total energy independence from Russia, and even dictate to Russia, within limits, gas prices it is willing to pay. At the same time, Poland, in a matter of several years, will have the benefits of advancements in shale gas extraction technologies and a much better understanding of gas extraction consequences not only for the environment, but also to the health of its people.
Moving towards energy security
Shale gas extraction and its world-wide availability in large amounts via liquefied transport is the twenty-first century’s major revolution, and a salvation for many energy poor countries. Extraction of gas, at least in the U.S., outweighs the pollution and health risks, and it will improve in the future. Within a few short years, the emergence of shale gas has wiped out the fear of energy starvation for the rest of this century, if not longer. Use of gas to generate heat and electric power promises to reduce air pollution by more than 50% over energy produced by coal and oil. Due to very favorable gas prices in the foreseeable future, substantial changes are also expected in the transportation sector.
Shale gas promises to cause significant economic and political changes throughout the world . Russia has most recently invested billions of dollars in the construction of thousands of miles of pipelines to transport gas to Western Europe and China. Russia, assumed that gas prices will keep rising and so its economic well being. Russia was using in the late 1990s and early 2000 its gas producer Gazprom to intimidate energy deficient countries into attaining whatever political and economic goals it wanted to achieve. The arrival of shale gas began to reduce the importance of Gazprom as the primary supplier of gas to Western Europe. Compared to 2008, Gazprom’s revenues dropped in 2010 about 22 billion USD. Declining gas prices in world markets and the possibility of buying it from multiple sources will certainly create for Russia large financial problems in future years.
Shale gas revolution for Lithuania and the other Baltic countries is like a repetition of their political break away from Russia in 1990, except that this time it is in energy terms. The first and immediate stage will be by import of liquefied natural gas, and the second stage solution will be by extraction of shale gas from their own shale deposits. Let us hope that the developing opportunity to attain nearly total energy sufficiency will be carefully and prudently realized.
Gas extraction from shale rock formation
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Great Falls, Virginia, USA
July 10, 2011
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton at same table in the Presidential Palace in Vilnius with Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaite yesterday.
Thursday, June 30, Vilnius - President Dalia Grybauskaitė thanked all of the participants from around the world who came to the Vilnius high-level conference "Women Enhancing Democracy: Best Practices" for their thoughts and ideas inspiring to work even harder for ensuring women full-fledged life.
The President underlined that such intense focus from the international community on the conference showed the great significance of the problems discussed. She pointed out that the stories told and the proposals made for enabling women to seek education, careers, self-protection from violence and discrimination had encouraged all to make even greater efforts and to better coordinate their activities.
"I am convinced that even in the digital age not a single of these projects would be effective if not rooted deep in the heart or implemented with love and commitment. There is no device to replace human activity and compassion," the President said.
According to Dalia Grybauskaitė, the good practices enhancing women's rights that will spread around the world from Vilnius, the new information heard and the new aspects noted at the conference will inspire active women to fresh endeavors and projects and will make them even more determined in actions towards improving the status of women worldwide.
Lithuanian Prime Minister Andrius Kubilius after the event said that the participation of US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was of "immense importance".
"The US’s support through the whole 21 years of our independence, including our aspirations to become a NATO member, an EU member, to create our security, develop economic ties, energy independence, all these ties remain very important, and, of course, a conversation with Secretary of State Clinton in this respect is of immense importance," he said in an interview with News Radio.
President Dalia Grybauskaitė and Swedish Minister for
Enterprise and Energy, Maud Olofsson
President Dalia Grybauskaitė this week had a meeting with Swedish Minister for Enterprise and Energy, Maud Olofsson.
Issues discussed at the bilateral meeting included energy security, building of the NordBalt power bridge between Lithuanian and Sweden, construction of a LNG terminal in Lithuania, and opportunities for closer cooperation within the NB8 framework.
The President and the Swedish Minister agreed to intensify cooperation towards timely implementation of all EU decisions related to energy security and towards securing proper financing for vital projects.
"The power bridge to Sweden will integrate Baltic electricity networks into the Nordic power market and will ensure our country's and region's energy independence and security. It will also contribute to the establishment of the EU internal market without ‘energy islands', which makes Lithuania's energy projects significant for the whole Europe," the President said.
The President thanked Sweden for its continuous support for Lithuania in its efforts to ensure energy independence, and the Swedish Minister promised further support for Lithuania on issues of highest concern: safety of nuclear power plants underway in the Lithuanian neighborhood and swift implementation of electricity and gas connections to Poland.
Kernavė is a unique five mounds complex, honoured as being the first capital of Lithuania almost a 1000 years ago. The first settlers appeared here as early as in 9th-8th millennium BC, in the Epipaleolithic period. Since then until the very Early Middle Ages, the territory was continuously settled by people who left their traces. In written sources Kernavė was first mentioned in 1279 in the Livonian Chronicle and the Herman Vartberg Chronicle, where it was described as Grand Duke Traidenis’, the Great Duke’s of Lithuania, estate (1269-1282). At that time Kernavė was the most significant economic-political centre of Lithuania. In 1390 Kernavė was burnt in an attack by Crusaders. After the fire the wooden town and castles was never rebuilt, and the remaining residents moved to the top of the hill instead of staying in the valley.
In later years, the remains of the city were covered with an alluvial earth layer, that formed wet peat. It preserved most of the relics intact, and it is a treasure trove for archaeologists, leading some to call Kernavė the "Troy of Lithuania". For example, Kernavė has the oldest known medgrinda, a secret underwater road paved with wood. The road was used for defense and dates from the 4–7th centuries.
Kernavė is world known for its annual celebration of Joninės – Lithuania’s famous midsummer festival dating back to the pagan times, and since 1967 also for its traditional Rasa festival. For several decades this festival was not only a way to clean the soul, but also to protest against the humiliation of national consciousness and the forced implantation of Soviet traditions. Attempts to prohibit this festival were not successful.
Kernavė is famous for national celebrations of King Mindaugas (1200-1263) coronation day on 6 July. On that day a festival is held, where medieval authentic crafts, war games and folk music are presented. The craftsmen come from around the Baltics and neighboring countries.
Happy Midsummer!
How to Celebrate a Lithuanian Midsummer
Midsummer Day in Lithuania is a celebration of the Summer Solstice as well as being a holy day sacred to St. John. The real festivities take place on the evening, prior to the date itself, which is 24th of June. That night, throughout Lithuania, people come together to celebrate Saint Jonas' Festival, also known as Jonines, Kupolines or Rasos.
Things you'll need: • Outdoor party place |
Step 1
Select an outdoor place in which to hold your party. Decorate your party space with fresh flowers and, if possible, raise a pole covered with flowers and herbs. Make garlands of fresh flowers and ribbons to be worn by all of the young girls and unmarried women present.
Step 2
Build a bonfire if at all possible. Lithuanian tradition calls for a tall pole crowned with a wooden wheel that has been soaked in tar or filled with birch bark, but you may have to make do with a small fire built in a fire pit or even candles. Whichever form of fire you use, if there is a member of your party named John, Jonas, or another similar name, that person should be the one to light it.
Step 3
Play Lithuanian music and encourage guests to sing Lithuanian songs if they know any. Lithuanian folk dances are also traditional, but if you do not know any of the old songs or dances you can still get a book of Lithuanian folk or fairy tales and reads some of them out loud to set the mood.
Step 4
Set out a feast consisting of traditional Lithuanian foods. Kugelis, the baked potato pudding that is the Lithuanian national dish, is pretty much de rigeur, and your guests may also enjoy such dishes as Skilandis (a smoked sausage-type meat), Salti barsciai (a cold soup made from beets), Cepelinai (potato dumplings with a ground meat filling), Vedarai (potato sausage) and Bulviniai Blynai (a type of potato pancake). Poppy seed cakes (Pyragas Su Aguonomis) and honey cakes (Meduoliai) make for an enjoyable, traditional dessert.
Step 5
Look for Lithuanian beers such as Utenos, Svyturys and Kalnapilis, Lithuanian Stumbras vodka, and Anyksciu Vynas wine. If you're the do-it-yourself type, you might like to try brewing up a batch of Lithuanian honey mead (Midus) or even Gira (also known as Kvass), which is made from fermenting this and that, usually bread, but sometimes other items such as barley, cranberries or caraway seeds. Caraway seeds can also be used to brew up a tea for non-drinkers, as can linden blossoms should you be able to acquire any.
Step 6
Take part in special Lithuanian Midsummer traditions like hunting for the magic fern blossom at midnight. This fern blossom, which should be gathered up in a silk handkerchief, is said to make the bearer wise, rich and happy, but is nearly impossible to find as it is guarded by monsters and witches. Another Midsummer game involves having unmarried girls and women float their flower garlands downstream (should you have access to a suitable body of water) to determine the length of time until they get married--the farther their garlands float, the sooner they will marry, supposedly. Yet another custom involves jumping over the bonfire and if the festivities go on all night long, revelers should be sure to wash their faces in the morning dew as they find their way home.
Read more: How to Celebrate a Lithuanian Midsummer | eHow.com http://www.ehow.com/how_4443202_celebrate-lithuanian-midsummer.html#ixzz0rZrzzi9x
The holiday, in fact, is not the Midsummer Day, June 24, but the evening and night preceding it. The holiday coincides with the summer solstice. At the beginning of the 20th century it was observed all over Lithuania, now it is more popular in the northern and central parts of the country. Although St. John the Baptist occupies a very important place in the hierarchy of saints, the Church does not attach any great importance to the celebration of his nativity, which falls on the Midsummer Day. It is a festival of simple people, connected with the veneration of fire. Young girls adorn their heads with flower wreaths. A tall pole with a wooden wheel soaked in tar or filled with birch bark is hoisted at the top of the highest hill in the vicinity. Men whose names are Jonas (John) set the wheels on fire and make bonfires around it. In some places a second pole is hoisted with flowers and herbs. Young people dance round the fire, sing songs about rye, play games, men try to jump over the fire. The burning wheels on the poles are rolled down the hill into a river or a lake at its foot, men jumping over it all along. On the Midsummer Day people weed the rye and burn all the weeds.
On Midsummer Day's morning witches acquire special powers, they drag towels over the dewy grass to affect cows' milk. To save their cows from the witches' magic farmers shut them in cowsheds for the Midsummer Night and stick bunches of nettle in the door to scare the witches away. On Midsummer Day cows are driven out to pasture in the early after- noon when there is no more dew on the grass. Horses, however, are left to graze in the open throughout the night, or the witches magic has no effect on them.
On Midsummer Day dew has special healing powers. Young girls wash their faces in it to make themselves beautiful, older people do the same to make themselves younger. It is good to walk barefoot in dew on Midsummer Day's morning, for it saves the skin from getting chapped.
Midsummer Day and the time immediately preceding it is believed to have special powers. Medicinal herbs collected from June 1 to the Midsummer Day can cure 12 (some say 99) diseases. There are girls who save their Midsummer Day's wreaths all the year round. Great importance is attached to the Midsummer Day's fire. Its embers are brought home to make the hearth fire, and its ashes are spread in the fields.
There are numerous stories about the fern, which comes into blossom in the thick of the woods on Midsummer Night. He who finds a fern blossom becomes a wise, rich and happy man. But it is not easy to find a fern blossom, for horrible monsters and witches try to scare everybody away so that they could snatch the blossom themselves. Everybody who wants to find a fern blossom must know that only nine-year-old ferns can burst into blossom, that it is necessary to spread a silk kerchief under the clump for the blossom to fall onto, to draw a circle around oneself with a rowan stick hallowed in church, light a candle and pray in defiance of the monsters around. The blossom that drops onto the kerchief looks like a speck of gold. It is best to saw it under the skin of a finger or the palm, then nobody will steel it from you.
Only a very good man can hope to find a fern blossom and it can happen only once in his lifetime, Sometimes the fern blossom drops into a poor man's bast shoe unawares and suddenly the man acquires knowledge of the hidden treasures, of the speech of animals and birds, trees and bees. But when the man comes home and takes off his shoes, the fern blossom falls out, all the man's knowledge disappears.
Young people play games all through Midsummer Night until sunrise or until dew falls out, Girls float wreaths on rivers to find out their prospects for marriage. The farther their wreaths float the sooner they will get married. It is also very important which bank the wreath will stop at. Sometimes a burning candle or a bowl filled with burning tar is fixed in the middle of the wreath. A great number of Midsummer Night's superstitions and customs are similar to those observed on Christmas Eve. A girl will marry the man whom she will see in her dream walking along the straw placed across the bowl of water under her bed or who will dry his face on the towel placed beside her bed. The future husband will come from the direction in which she notices the first bonfire on Midsummer Night.
On the eve of Midsummer Night people adorn the wayside shrines which contain figurines of St. John. They also honour all Johns they know. This they do in various ways, for example, by fixing a wreath of oak leaves around his door. This is usually done in secret and the man thus honoured must guess whose job it was (or catch him doing it) and give him a treat.
The research done by the author of the present book in the past five years has convinced him that the customs of Christmas Eve and Midsummer Night, which coincide with the winter and summer soltices, are very closely connected. Sometimes the Christmas Eve table is covered exclusively with the hay mown just before Midsummer Night. Superstitions and customs of the two feasts are very similar. Christmas Eve customs are dominated by darkness, veneration of death and the dead, expectation, feeding of birds in a cart wheel, running round the house with a bowl of pudding, walking round the orchard. Those are all symbols of time. The summer soltice - Midsummer Night - is dominated by symbols of the sun, such as burning cart wheels hoisted high on poles which are adorned with wreaths of herbs and flowers, symbols of growth. In honour of the sun the fire from the bonfires is brought home to light the hearth, the fields are sprinkled with ash. Later these customs blended with those of Easter. The lighting of bonfires is the privilege of men who are called John. Sometimes it is the privilege of the oldest of all Johns in the vicinity. Those and other details in the celebration Of Midsummer Night testify that in the pre-Christian period Midsummer Night was celebrated as a feast of the sun.
"Lithuania's corrupt media hurts everyone," says a 2007 report from the U.S. Embassy in Vilnius, published by WikiLeaks.
Norwegian Aftenposten tells this week that Lithuania, Bulgaria, Mexico and the Philippines are among the countries where one most easily can buy journalists and editors.
The newspaper refers to a four year old report from the U.S. Embassy in Vilnius, published by WikiLeaks. The report presents a very discouraging picture of the way the Lithuanian media works, and gives concrete examples of how politicians and businesses must pay local media to avoid negative publicity.
Click here to read the WikiLeaks document.
Worse after the financial crisis
"You must buy the right not to be attacked," Vilius Kavaliauskas, long-time journalist and former advisor to the Lithuanian Prime Minister is quoted saying to the Embassy people.
Kavaliauskas, who now works as a freelance journalist, tells Aftenposten that the financial crisis has exacerbated the ethical standards among media in Lithuania.
"It has not become any better since 2007. Many editors and journalists sell and monopolize news and opinions, and there are always questionable political alliances between the media and people in power. Two years ago the media in Lithuania lost its tax exemption. Now they pay 21 percent tax as all other businesses. This has increased the culture of corruption, and is a disaster for our country, "he says.
According to Kavaliauskas the new press laws that were introduced in the middle of the 1990s were inspired by the laws of the Scandinavian countries. "We were on good way, but now we see a total setback," he says.
Pfizer declined 'deal' with Respublika
The embassy document from 2007, which is titled "Lithuania's corrupt media harm everyone, including U.S. industry," says the local director of Pfizer's office in Vilnius, explaining in detail how he was contacted by the owner of the large newspaper Respublika, which offered to "kill" the pharmaceutical manufacturer's competitors in Lithuania.
The price would be one million litas ($ 400,000), and the director was given two weeks' time to respond, it says. When the two weeks had passed, he was again contacted by the newspaper's advertising people, but the director rejected the collaboration.
Shortly after, Respublika started to publish a series of negative articles about Pfizer, which among other things, claimed that several had died from using Viagra, that Pfizer was charging too much for their products, taking advantage of poor hospital patients and sick people.
Discontent over the price difference
The WikiLeaks document published by Aftenposten, also tells about a representative of the Lithuania's Labour Party who claimed that placing a positive article about him in the leading newspaper Lietuvos Rytas would cost 25,000 litas ($ 10,000), whereas a representative of the Social Democrat party would have to pay only 5,000 litas ($ 2,000).
"He was not complaining about paying for an article - he accepted that as common practice. He was complaining that his party had to pay more than another party," is the laconic comment in the embassy message.
Worst in Mexico and the Philippines
-Corruption in the media is common in Eastern Europe, Asia, Africa and Latin America, but absolute worst is now in Mexico and the Philippines, "says Eva Stabell, director of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and responsible for the Norwegian Journalist Team's international work to Aftenposten.
"In these two countries there is a total corruption culture among journalists, incorporated as a part of their payments," she says.
In both countries have a large number of journalists have been killed in recent years.
"Many journalists are on the payroll of the mafia, " she says.
Article 1 of 3
A report published by Associate Professor Aurelijus Gutauskas at Mykolas Romeris University's Law Faculty gives a very interesting insight into how the economic downturn has led to increased social disparities, crime, fraud and widespread shadow economy in Lithuania.
These are some of his findings:
The economic decline will have far-reaching negative effects on the most vulnerable groups in Lithuania unless the government takes additional measures
As in many countries worldwide, the economic downturn in Lithuania has had an adverse impact on national, social, and economic development. The economic decline will have far-reaching negative effects on the most vulnerable groups in Lithuania unless the government takes additional measures to promote employment and provide social protection.
The major negative social consequences of the economic decline in Lithuania are job losses and a decrease in income. These result in rising long-term unemployment, growing social exclusion, and an increase in emigration and the shadow economy.
Criminal offences against the financial system have increased by 47%
The statistical data analysis has shown that during the economic decline the crime rate increased while unemployment rose and household income decreased. Since 2008, the number of recorded criminal offences has been increasing by 6 to 7 per cent annually and reached 83,200 in 2009.
In 2009, the number of recorded criminal offences against the financial system increased by 47 %, and criminal offences related to the possession of narcotic or psychotropic substances increased by 19 %.
The production of counterfeit currency and securities increased by 258.6 % (from 237 to 613 cases) and cases of fraud grew by 59.1 % (from 915 to 1456 cases). Furthermore, the unlawful production of alcoholic beverages and the number of crimes committed by intoxicated persons nearly doubled in 2009. Based on Lithuanian and foreign experience, an increase in crime is expected to continue until 2012–2013 as restraints on economic crimes take longer to implement and are related to a rise in the standard of living in the country.
Lithuania's shadow economy will account for more than 20% of the GDP by 2015
The economic downturn has resulted in an increasing number of businesses experiencing financial difficulties, and some of them turn to the shadow economy as a means of salvation. This is particularly the case in the area of labor relations and in regard to failure to pay taxes (such as income and social insurance taxes). According to official Lithuanian statistics from 2004 and 2008, the shadow economy in Lithuania accounted for about 15 per cent of the GDP. The declining profitability of business entities, the rise in tax rates, and the worsening macroeconomic environment may increase the scope of the shadow economy to 20-22% by 2015.
Younger criminals are taking over the organized crime
The most significant trend within the Lithuanian organized crime community is the shift in power between the older and younger generations. The younger generations are gaining ground and seeking to increase their influence at the expense of older members. Lithuanian OCGs (organized criminal groups) are also aiming to become more interregional within Lithuania.
Smuggling and distribution of drugs and excise good are the most important means for OCGs to gain power. These groups have created an infrastructure in the drug trade and developed channels of supply, as well as networks of distributors, in almost all regions of Lithuania. Even group members who are in prison remain in the drug trade and control it. Smuggling is a strong factor encouraging the creation of new OCGs that specialize in this function.
Free movement of people and commodities inside the EU facilitates the shipment of illegal cargoes, and flawed external border security allows smuggling. The increasing trade in used vehicles in Lithuania has become a factor in the infrastructure for handling stolen property, with vehicles stolen in Western countries being exchanged for drugs. This made it possible for Lithuanian OCGs to play an influential, international role in heroin smuggling from the East to the West. The proceeds of crime are laundered through businesses in the financial and construction sectors.
In Russia in 2009 and 2010, Lithuanian OCGs used opportunities related to the acquisition of excise goods to engage in smuggling goods into the West, and then into the Netherlands. The goods smuggled included cocaine, hashish, cannabis, amphetamines, methamphetamines and ecstasy (MDMA), heroin (in the region of Kaliningrad), stolen vehicles.
Article 2 of 3
The EU's criminal intelligence agency EUROPOL has in its Organized Crime Threat Assessment for 2011 defined Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the Russian Federation exclave of Kaliningrad as the northeast criminal hub, singling out the prevalence of crime groups in Lithuania. Europol Assesses Baltic Organized Crime Hub | News | ERR
A report published by Associate Professor Aurelijus Gutauskas at Mykolas Romeris University's Law Faculty gives a very interesting insight into how the economic downturn has led to increased social disparities, crime, fraud and widespread shadow economy in Lithuania.
VilNews is presenting some of Professor Gutauskas' findings over three issues. This is our article number two:
23 active organized criminal groups (OCGs) in Lithuania
In 2010, there were 23 active organized criminal groups (OCGs) in Lithuania. Over the last two years, the number has remained much the same. Higher level OCGs are characterized by long-term activity or are recomposed from the members of broken or dismantled OCGs. The leadership is constantly renewed by young, new members or criminals who have already served prison sentences.
The geographical location of Lithuania encourages the international activity of OCGs. Lithuania is located at the crossroads of illicit commodities traffic in both internal and external directions. The locality of OCGs preconditioned their specialization when it came to control of regions of the external European Union border. Some of them use their influence at the Belarusian border, others at the Russian border.
Smuggling and distribution of drugs and excise good are the most important means for OCGs
Smuggling and distribution of drugs and excise good are the most important means for OCGs to gain power. These groups have created an infrastructure in the drug trade and developed channels of supply, as well as networks of distributors, in almost all regions of Lithuania. Even group members who are in prison remain in the drug trade and control it. Smuggling is a strong factor encouraging the creation of new OCGs that specialize in this function.
Human trafficking
Human trafficking has taken a new form as some victims agree to travel to countries with higher standards of living and engage in voluntary prostitution. The women's social vulnerability (unemployment, absence of income) and absence of other information results in their allowing others to take half of their income. Human trafficking is organized and committed not only by OCGs but also, in some regions of Lithuania, by individuals with no direct connections with OCGs.
Human trafficking involves recruiting people (by deception or telling the truth), organizing transportation (by finding ways to forge documents and arrange transport), and searching for locations in which to sell and receive profit. Payment is sometimes extracted from the person's earnings. Victims of human trafficking are usually women aged 18 to 24. They are recruited through modeling agencies, radio shows, online dating, social networks such as Facebook and other websites, and often voluntarily leave their home countries. Cases are known in which women are offered legal jobs (as waitresses and dancers), but once transported abroad they are forced to provide sexual services. Violence is also often used to make them work and to intimidate others. Search and recruitment is conducted by low-level members of the OCGs. Women are not only recruited by procurers but also by working prostitutes who receive rewards of up to 600 Euros for a new woman.
The European police service Europol has recently wound up an investigation into child pornography which lasted two years. Raids were made on houses in 20 countries. A total of 221 suspected pedophiles were discovered and 115 of them were arrested. Some of the suspects had jobs working with children. Victims of various nationalities were identified in the course of the investigation. The youngest was five.
Article 3 of 3
A report published by Associate Professor Aurelijus Gutauskas at Mykolas Romeris University's Law Faculty gives a very interesting insight into how the economic downturn has led to increased social disparities, crime, fraud and widespread shadow economy in Lithuania.
VilNews is presenting some of Professor Gutauskas' findings over three issues. This is our article number three:
Fraud
In 2009, 4229 cases of fraud were registered by law enforcement agencies, and 2494 more were registered between January and July 2010. In comparison with 2008 (when there were 2773 cases of fraud), there is an obvious increase in the commission of this kind of crime.
The economic crisis has affected many fields of business. Payments among the participants in an economy in disarray and a massive increase in mutual debts raise the probability of an increase in fraud crimes. Business difficulties stimulate the rise of new ways of perpetrating fraud, manipulation, shady financial transactions, and other forms of misappropriation. An increase of insurance fraud is also predicted. Companies that are going bankrupt, receiving no bank loans, and short of liquid assets will easily be attracted by offers of financial assistance or investment and will not investigate the source of the money. Analysis of investigations shows a trend of OCGs working to create favorable environment for acquiring legal businesses. By taking over insolvent companies and using them to launder the proceeds of crime, criminal groups would more easily be able to control a legal business. There has also been an increase in the number of fraud cases among legal entities. Companies are established or purchased in order to commit fraud, and commodities are purchased on the grounds of consignation. There are also cases of fraud in the recovery of VAT. Companies of this kind later go bankrupt or are illicitly sold to other persons, and further activity is undertaken. The persons who acquire them are usually antisocial, and trade is conducted using lost or stolen identity documents.
Corruption
Many law enforcement officers, prosecutors, and lawyers, at all levels and ranks, particularly those who specialize in tax cases, become corrupt. They set out to receive unlawful rewards from persons suspected of crimes against the financial system, who can avoid prosecution by paying bribes. If the bribe fails – that is to say, if the pre-trial investigation is not dismissed or the criminal act is not downgraded to a milder article of the criminal code – these persons make up charges and pay officers to intimidate or financially weaken their business competitors.
Those who participate in corruption in public tendering are persons who in the administrative field (officials of ministries, budgetary institutions, and municipalities), employees of public institutions, and managers of private companies or companies run by the state and municipalities. Aspects of corruption are noticed in all fields and stages of public tendering. Corrupt activity manifests itself most in the organization of public tendering regarding constructions, refurbishment, and information technologies.
Different corruption mechanisms are employed at each stage of public tendering. The initial stage includes one type of fraud. Representatives of companies participating in this procedure come to an informal agreement on a winner in a certain town, region, or ministry, and fix the price for services, commodities, or work. Agreements of this kind maintain high prices and stable income (the company knows how many tenders it will win each year). They also exclude possible competitors.
Money laundering
In order to launder money, foreign companies transfer their money to the accounts of fake foreign or Lithuanian companies that are usually established in Lithuanian banks by foreign citizens. Money is then transferred from one country to another through Lithuania financial institutions using the accounts of these fake companies. The proceeds of crime acquired in Lithuania may be transferred to foreign states, or the proceeds of crime in foreign countries may be transferred to Lithuania.
Lithuanian companies transfer money to the fake company or non-profit (usually fitness clubs), and the money is cashed immediately after it has been transferred. After the money has been cashed, fake accounts are opened and managed by antisocial citizens of both Lithuania and foreign countries who often have connections with criminal groups.
It is assumed that the major reason for transferring assets to Lithuania is to conceal the illegal origin of the assets. Nevertheless, cases have been discovered in which Lithuanian nationals used accounts in foreign countries while engaging in similar criminal activity.
Lithuanian companies increasingly use companies registered in foreign countries and foreign nationals to transfer money to the accounts of fake companies or offshore companies in foreign banks. More cases occur in which money is cashed in neighboring countries and in which the citizens of that particular country are involved.
Former director of Lietuvos Pastas (Lithuanian Post) and Swedbank (Hanza) Leasing, Andrius Urbonas, was last year arrested for fraud. Urbonas was accused of having used his high position and connections in banking institutions to make loans to clients whose applications for loans were previously rejected. Authorities claim that he laundered money through the scheme. He denies the charges. A criminal case against him and other directors from Swedbank Leasing started in Vilnius District Court last week.
THE REPORT:
Associate Professor Aurelijus Gutauskas
Mykolas Romeris University
Law Faculty
Criminal Law and Criminology Department
Head of the Department
Contents
1 Economic and Social Impact of the Financial Crisis
1.1 Increase in the Crime Rate
1.2 Growth of the Shadow Economy
2 Trends within Organized Crime in Lithuania
2.2 Organized Crime Groups Active in Lithuania
2.3 Description of Criminal Acts
2.3.2 Cigarette and Alcohol Smuggling
2.3.4 Human Trafficking and Exploitation
2.3.6 Corruption of Public Officials and Institutions
Since the start of the new millennium, the Baltic region has enjoyed one of the highest growth rates in the world. This positive development was interrupted by the financial crisis and the recession that followed.
As in many countries worldwide, the economic downturn in Lithuania has had an adverse impact on national, social, and economic development. The economic decline will have far-reaching negative effects on the most vulnerable groups in Lithuania unless the government takes additional measures to promote employment and provide social protection. In order to mitigate the possible negative social consequences of the decline, an attempt should be made to assess its impact on the country's socio-economic development (development of the population, income indicators of households, etc.) as well as to recommend measures to address any problems identified.
The major negative social consequences of the economic decline in Lithuania are job losses and a decrease in income. These result in rising long-term unemployment, growing social exclusion, and an increase in emigration and the shadow economy. In the long run, all of these increase poverty and reduce the quality of the labor force. For instance, both diminished skills and reduced work motivation weaken the recovery potential of the national economy.
The economic crisis has had a major negative impact on the Lithuanian labor market.[1] In the first quarter of 2009, the national unemployment rate more than doubled compared to the first quarter of 2008. If these trends continue, Lithuania will see a dramatic increase in the number of long-term unemployed (in 2010, they constituted 30 per cent of the unemployed, or 78,000 persons). High long-term unemployment is likely to persist even after the anticipated recovery of the national economy between 2012 and 2015 as most unemployed people are less competitive in the market due to their weaker or diminished skills after a long period of unemployment.
Rising unemployment also worsens the financial situations of households, as indicated by the ever-increasing number of persons receiving social benefits in Lithuania. The assessment of changes in earnings and unemployment in Lithuania shows that household income will continue to decline in 2010, but will then start rising slightly due to the growing shadow economy, as a well as the slow economic recovery anticipated in 2011. However, income levels in 2015 will not even reach those of 2008. Decreasing household incomes may boost the absolute poverty rate as high as 13.2 per cent in 2010. This means that the income of 440,700 persons will be below the poverty line. The absolute poverty rate is not expected to return to the level of the year 2008 (i.e. 4.8 per cent) before 2015.[2]
The deteriorating macroeconomic situation in the country boosts emigration from Lithuania.[3] Bearing in mind that the Lithuanian economy is expected to recover only in 2011–2012, emigration is likely to result in that Lithuania may lose another 100,000 to 150,000 residents by 2015.[4] In the long term, higher rates of emigration are associated with serious problems such as population decline, brain drain, and demographic ageing, all of which markedly weaken the growth potential of the national economy and slow down improvement in the standard of living.
The statistical data analysis has shown that during the economic decline the crime rate increased while unemployment rose and household income decreased.
Since 2008, the number of recorded criminal offences has been increasing by 6 to 7 per cent annually and reached 83,200 in 2009. Crimes accounted for about 90 per cent of all recorded offences. About 5 to 6 per cent of the crimes were serious or grave. In 2009 two-thirds of the criminal offences recorded were property-related, an increase of 6 per cent. Three-fourths of all property-related criminal offences recorded were thefts. In 2009, 40,000 thefts were recorded, which is 3 per cent more than in 2008.
In 2009, the number of recorded criminal offences against the financial system increased by 47 per cent, and criminal offences related to the possession of narcotic or psychotropic substances increased by 19 per cent.[5]
The production of counterfeit currency and securities increased by 258.6 per cent (from 237 to 613 cases) and cases of fraud grew by 59.1 per cent (from 915 to 1456 cases). Furthermore, the unlawful production of alcoholic beverages and the number of crimes committed by intoxicated persons nearly doubled in 2009. Based on Lithuanian and foreign experience, an increase in crime is expected to continue until 2012–2013 as restraints on economic crimes take longer to implement and are related to a rise in the standard of living in the country.[6]
The economic downturn has resulted in an increasing number of businesses experiencing financial difficulties, and some of them turn to the shadow economy as a means of salvation. This is particularly the case in the area of labor relations and in regard to failure to pay taxes (such as income and social insurance taxes). According to official Lithuanian statistics from 2004 and 2008, the shadow economy in Lithuania accounted for about 15 per cent of the GDP. The declining profitability of business entities, the rise in tax rates, and the worsening macroeconomic environment may increase the scope of the shadow economy to 20-22 per cent by 2015. It is important to note that shadow activities develop very fast, but eradicating them is a slow process.
The biggest part of the parallel economy is smuggling, closely followed by the unaccounted sale of goods and unreported remuneration[7]. In order to reduce the impact of the shadow economy, the government has decided to focus on extracting one billion litas from it, which represents roughly 5 per cent of total tax income, instead of increasing taxes or cutting social benefits and salaries of public servants.
The shadow economy not only has an adverse effect on the country's economy, but it also has negative social consequences such as an increase in social and economic differentiation, a rise of the level of corruption in the country, the reduction of social guaranties for individuals, poorly allocated resources across sectors, an unbalanced tax system and a slowdown of the country's economic growth.
In 2010, there were 23 active organized criminal groups (OCGs) in Lithuania.[8] Over the last two years, the number has remained much the same. Higher level OCGs are characterized by long-term activity or are recomposed from the members of broken or dismantled OCGs. The leadership is constantly renewed by young, new members or criminals who have already served prison sentences.
The most significant trend within the Lithuanian organized crime community is the shift in power between the older and younger generations. The younger generations are gaining ground and seeking to increase their influence at the expense of older members. Lithuanian OCGs are also aiming to become more interregional within Lithuania.
The dominant OCGs expand their authority and influence lower-level OCGs in different regions. Some OCGs started to seek dominant positions when members of higher-level OCGs return from corrective institutions.
Due to the change in criminal leadership, internal and external OCGs experience conflict and dishonesty between accomplices in continuing criminal deals. Violent actions are taken by OCGs seeking to be dominant. Interregional OCGs support their followers during conflicts between local OCGs. Firearms are used in campaigns of influence or revenge. During assaults, people are kidnapped, harmed, or killed, and their property is destroyed.[9]
In some situations, organized crime groups decide to make deals instead of turning to violence. They sometimes share the market and specialize in different trades. There is a trend for weaker OCGs to join bigger groups and find a niche within the larger organization. This development seems to be increasingly common among OCGs with international connections.
In 2009 and during the first semester of 2010, crime indicators in Lithuania decreased. (paaiskinti teksta). However, there was an increase in crimes committed by OCGs. The number of criminal acts related to murder and attempted murder, possession of weapons and seizures of weapons, seizure of property, property extortion, destruction of property, drug distribution, and excise goods smuggling increased in the regions of activity of the most influential OCGs. The crimes committed by OCGs incorporated a high level of planning and the application of special means and measures.
Smuggling and distribution of drugs and excise good are the most important means for OCGs to gain power. These groups have created an infrastructure in the drug trade and developed channels of supply, as well as networks of distributors, in almost all regions of Lithuania. Even group members who are in prison remain in the drug trade and control it. Smuggling is a strong factor encouraging the creation of new OCGs that specialize in this function.
In certain regions of Lithuania, OCGs active only in the field of smuggling are dominant. The groups controlling international relations ensure provision of illicit commodities. Lower-level OCGs organize the distribution and/or implement smuggling. Competition for influence is more typical of the retail trade in drugs. Property seizure is also a criminal field in which OCGs have strong subgroups or new specialized groups. OCGs acting at the international level seize luxurious cars and watercraft, equipments of cargo shipments, agriculture, and buildings. Property is seized from trade points and residential premises in different ways. In 2009, there was a tendency to break into agencies where large amounts of money were kept or to organize armed raids on these agencies.[10]
During the crisis period, the number of crimes committed against the economy and, the financial system rose, along with other kinds of fraud. The disruption of economic activity by companies and the mutual debts held by those companies resulted in property extortion and abuse of authority. Businessmen controlled by OCGs or dependent on criminals became the target of property extortion due to their debts. Another reason for the profitability of property extortion was the rise in the number of persons engaged in the distribution of illicit commodities or smuggling. Managing financial resources gave Lithuanian and foreign OCGs a chance to invest in the business sector. However, some groups lost their influence during the economic crisis because they experienced a financial downturn and lost the power they had previously held by serving legal businesses.[11]
The geographical location of Lithuania encourages the international activity of OCGs. Lithuania is located at the crossroads of illicit commodities traffic in both internal and external directions. The locality of OCGs preconditioned their specialization when it came to control of regions of the external European Union border. Some of them use their influence at the Belarusian border, others at the Russian border. Close international relations with neighboring countries are also typical of local OCGs like those at the internal EU borders with Latvia and Poland.
Free movement of people and commodities inside the EU facilitates the shipment of illegal cargoes, and flawed external border security allows smuggling. The increasing trade in used vehicles in Lithuania has become a factor in the infrastructure for handling stolen property, with vehicles stolen in Western countries being exchanged for drugs. This made it possible for Lithuanian OCGs to play an influential, international role in heroin smuggling from the East to the West. The proceeds of crime are laundered through businesses in the financial and construction sectors.
In Russia in 2009 and 2010, Lithuanian OCGs used opportunities related to the acquisition of excise goods to engage in smuggling goods into the West, and then into the Netherlands. The goods smuggled included cocaine, hashish, cannabis, amphetamines, methamphetamines and ecstasy (MDMA), heroin (in the region of Kaliningrad), stolen vehicles. The OCGs were also involved in the running of LBSs. Some members of Lithuanian OCGs have settled in Russia.
In Poland in 2009 and 2010, Lithuanian OCGs used opportunities related to the transport and handling of smuggled excise goods, the counterfeiting of cigarette products, the transport of smuggled drugs, vehicle theft, and the use of counterfeit electronic payment instruments.
In Germany in 2009 and during the first semester of 2010, Lithuanian OCGs handled and smuggled cigarettes, transported smuggled drugs, traded in heroin, managed the organization of prostitution networks, engaged in human trafficking, seized vehicles and other property, distributed forged identity documents and euros, transported illegal migrants, purchased property, ran LBSs, laundered money, and engaged in corruption. Some members of these groups are serving prison sentences in Germany.
In Latvia in 2009 and 2010, Lithuanian OCGs handled and smuggled cigarettes and pure alcohol, transported and handled heroin, cannabis, and ecstasy (MDMA), counterfeited euros, and committed various thefts from vehicles, pipelines, cargoes, and equipment and chemicals for agriculture. The groups also engaged in the legalization of stolen vehicles, the use of false electronic means of payment, fraud, the use of forged documents, and the running of LBSs.
In Estonia in 2009 and 2010, Lithuanian OCGs smuggled drugs and ran LBSs.
In Finland in 2009 and 2010, OCGs smuggled cocaine, amphetamines, and methamphetamines and seized property. Some OCG members are serving prison sentences in Finland.
In Sweden in 2009 and 2010, OCGs transported and handled cannabis, amphetamines, ecstasy (MDMA), stole cars and watercraft, and seized other property. Some members of Lithuanian OCGs have settled in Sweden.
Finally, in Denmark in 2009 and 2010, Lithuanian OCGs transported and handled smuggled methamphetamines, stole cars, watercraft and their parts, and seized property.
The main sources of information about the major OCGs and their activities are reports by the Organized Crime Investigation Division of the Criminal Police and by Lithuanian police units between 2009 and 2010. Some data also come from the State Border Guard and the Customs Criminal Services. The following OCGs have been identified.
The Agurkas group is one of the strongest OCGs in Lithuania, and the level of organized crime in the country depends on its activity. It also influences trends in organized crime committed by Lithuanians abroad.
Agurkas' criminal activities cover the production and distribution of narcotics, the smuggling of excise goods, theft of vehicles from residential premises, robbery, extortion of property, fraud, human trafficking, the organization of prostitution, currency counterfeiting, and document forgery. In 2009–2010 Agurkas members were also suspected of criminal acts related to illegal activities by companies, possession of criminal property, possession of weapons, disturbance of public order, resistance to and offenses against officers, unlawful deprivation of freedom, threats of killing, maiming, and attempted murder and sexual abuses.
The Agurkas group is active mainly in Russia, Latvia, and Estonia. The group also has some activities in Norway, the United Kingdom, Spain, and Ukraine. In the Baltic region, it poses a threat in Poland, Latvia, Estonia, Sweden, and Russia. In the EU, its activities affect Norway, the Netherlands, Germany, Belgium, the United Kingdom, Ireland, Spain, and eastern Ukraine. All of these countries are harmed by its drug distribution and property seizures. The grey economy in the West is stimulated by the handling of smuggled excise commodities and the handling of property seized in the East.
The criminal activities of the Beglikas group include drug and alcohol smuggling, money laundering, and other crimes against the financial system. Beglikas is present in Latvia, Estonia, and Russia as well as in Spain. Its power and influence may be related to the criminal authority of its leader, his connections, and his ability to entrench his influence and the effectiveness of countermeasures to drug smuggling in the Spain–Lithuania–Russia route. Its power is also increased by the economic activity of related LBSs. Society is harmed by drug distribution. The increasing economic power of the OCG also poses a threat.
The criminal activities of the Šmikiniai group include the smuggling and distribution of drugs, smuggling and distribution of excise commodities, robbery, theft of luxury vehicles, theft from vehicles, extortion of property, handling of stolen property, distribution of counterfeit money, organization of prostitution, possession of weapons, destruction of or damage to property, bodily injuries, and money laundering. The Šmikiniai group is present in Latvia, Estonia, Finland, Sweden, Germany, Spain, and Russia as well as in Switzerland and Iceland. In the Baltic region Illegal commodities are transported through Latvia and Estonia. Drugs are distributed and property seized in the region of Scandinavia. The group is a threat in many north-western EU countries and in Russia because of cocaine smuggling from South America. The societies of these countries suffer harm due to drug distribution and money laundering. Victims of human trafficking from Lithuania and the East may be exploited in prostitution networks.
The criminal activities of the Þemaièiai group include drug production, smuggling and distribution; the smuggling and distribution of counterfeit money; extortion of property; fraud; robbery; theft including the theft of vehicles, motorcycles and water motorcycles; handling stolen property; crimes against the economy and the financial system; money laundering; violating public order; possession of weapons; destruction and damage of property; illegal deprivation of freedom; bodily injury, and murder. The Þemaièiai group is present in Latvia, Estonia, Germany, and Russia and also in many other EU countries such as Belgium, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Ireland, France, Bulgaria, Italy, and Spain. Drug smuggling is facilitated by the free movement of people and commodities within the EU and by weak external border security. This OCG uses LBSs in the fields of haulage, agriculture, and finance for criminal purposes. It uses EU financial support to strengthen its powers. Thanks to communication technologies, distant members can maintain constant contact.
The criminal activities of the Miliai group include drug smuggling and distribution, the smuggling of excise commodities, property extortion, crimes against the economy, and money laundering. Miliai is present in Sweden and Russia as well as in Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Italy, Belarus, and Ukraine.
The criminal activities of the Buduliai group include drug smuggling and distribution as well as cigarette smuggling. It is present in some regions of Latvia that play an important role in drug smuggling, and in Norway where it connects with immigrants from Lithuania. Latvia suffers harm from the activity of Buduliai, and the OCG also encourages trade in drugs and cigarettes smuggling in Norway.
The criminal activities of the Švinius include cigarette smuggling, money laundering, crimes against the economy, fraud, property extortion, robbery, bodily harm and possession of weapons. This group is present in Latvia, Germany, and Russia as well as in the United Kingdom and Belarus where the OCG runs LBSs, operates in the field of business construction, and makes use of corruption.
Information in this section, as in the previous section, mostly comes from the Organized Crime Investigation Division of the Criminal Police and regular police units.
The drug market trends in the Baltic States are similar, and the problem is increasing. For instance, in 2010, 5.5 kg of heroin was found in a hidden compartment of a truck at the Latvian–Lithuanian border. This was the largest quantity of heroin ever seized in the country.[12]
In 2009 heroin was the most popular intravenous drug in Lithuania and the demand which rose for it three years ago has remained. With reference to the results of work of law enforcement agencies in 2009 heroin prevailed among drugs withdrawn in doses in Lithuania and the data on detentions indicates that heroin replaced the previously used concentrate of poppies.
In 2009 3.7 kg and 853 ml of heroin were detained in Lithuania. In 2010, 1st half-year, 5.5 kg of a narcotic substance, namely, heroin, were found in a hidden compartment in a truck at the Latvian and Lithuanian border. This is the largest quantity of heroin detained in Lithuania. Its value on the black market would amount to one million Litas (i.e. 289620 EUR).
According to the intelligence, the wholesale price of 1g of heroin in Lithuania fluctuates from 90 LTL (26 EUR) to 160 LTL (46.33 EUR).
With reference to the information of law enforcement agencies, 1 kg of heroin is enough to produce about 14000 doses of drugs and the average price of one dose of heroin is from 30 LTL (8.6 EUR) to 50 LTL (14.4 EUR), the total price of all the quantity in retail market would amount to 420000-700000 LTL (i.e. 121640 – 202734 EUR).
The concentration of heroin in retail trade was from 0.01 per cent to 64.9 per cent (the average concentration made up 34 per cent).
It is believable that the demand for this narcotic substance will not cease.
Cocaine has not been marketable in the illicit market of drugs in Lithuania due to the high price for there is amphetamine or methamphetamine, which are considerably cheaper and have similar influence. In 2009 6 kg of cocaine, which has remained the most expensive drug in Lithuania, were withdrawn from circulation, the average concentration of the drug seized made up 37 per cent (it was 36 per cent in 2008). In 2009 there were also cases disclosed in which Lithuanian nationals were detained abroad shipping cocaine the total amount of which was 99.1 kg.
When making the overview of the situation of this year, it should be mentioned that in January 2010 a container shipped to Lithuania from Peru was detained, a very large amount of cocaine (about 397 kg) was found in it. This smuggled cargo makes up the largest amount of drugs ever detained in Lithuania and one of the largest amount detained in the European Union.
With reference to the information gathered, the wholesale price of cocaine in the country recorded in 2009 has not changed several years, it fluctuates from 34 EUR to 43 EUR (i.e. 120-150 LTL). The retail price of cocaine in Lithuania was from 43 EUR to 72 EUR (150-250 LTL). Thus, the main consumer of cocaine has remained the person who receives income higher than average.
The profit received from cocaine distribution is not precisely known. It is thought that after the distribution of 1 kg of cocaine, the profit (with no outlay included) may be approximately 11584 – 14481 EUR (i.e. 40000-50000 LTL).
The increasing offer of cocaine has been noticed in Lithuania, however, it is early to state that consumption of cocaine is going to increase in the country. The detentions of 2009 and 2010 indicate that larger amounts are detained on the home market and it confirms the assumption of international organizations that the demand for cocaine in Europe is increasing and the underworld is looking for new unusual routes of cocaine smuggling intensively.
Lithuania, just like Europe has faced a spreading phenomenon, i.e. indoor cannabis cultivation. For this reason cannabis may be cultivated in Lithuania or brought from the Netherlands or Spain.
Apart from several areas of cannabis cultivation in Lithuania in 2009, 2 specially equipped cannabis cultivation places were disclosed: 5.3 kg of cannabis were seized in one of them and 13 kg - in another one. In 2009 several cases of indoor cannabis cultivation (of small scale) were disclosed. In total 82 kg of cannabis were withdrawn from circulation in Lithuania.
Hashish is not a popular drug in Lithuania, so its circulation is not high. 10.5 kg of this drug were withdrawn from the circulation. This is an imported drug. As it was during the previous years, Lithuania has remained a transit country. Hashish smuggling is often organized from Western to Eastern Europe.
The wholesale price of cannabis and its parts (marihuana) was 14-26 LTL (i.e. 4-7 EUR) of 1 g and in retail market it was 20-80 LTL (i.e. 5.5 – 23 EUR).
The profit from the distribution of cannabis of criminals received is not precisely known. Having distributed 1 kg of cannabis the profit may approximately amount to 10 000 LTL (i.e. 2896 EUR).
Amphetamine type stimulants (ATS) have remained the most popular in the country as it was the previous year. Quite a quantity of these substances is brought from foreign states. In 2009 2.5 kg of amphetamine were withdrawn from circulation in Lithuania. It has been noticed that there was a decrease of amphetamine in the local market for methamphetamine is the most popular ATS.
With reference to data on detentions and other information the fact indicating illegal production of methamphetamine and amphetamine may be confirmed, however, it is not extensive. The scale of drug production in Lithuania is often overestimated. Lithuania is one of the states in which the quantity of drugs imported is higher than the quantity produced. In 2009 there was one illegal laboratory of methamphetamine of average capacity detected in the country. 82 kg of methamphetamine and 34 kg of free base of methamphetamine extracted from intermediate products found in laboratories were withdrawn from circulation.
In 2009 69823 ecstasy tablets were withdrawn from circulation in Lithuania. It has been noticed that the place of ecstasy is being replaced by mCPP and its mixtures.
Retail market prices of 1g of amphetamine and methamphetamine fluctuated from 15 to 80 LTL (4-23 EUR). The price of a dose of methamphetamine amounted from 15 to 25 LTL (4-7 EUR) and that of methamphetamine was from 20 to 40 LTL (5-11 EUR).
1 tablet of ecstasy in retail market cost from 5 to 25 LTL (1-7 EUR).
Average purity of amphetamine powder amounted to 23 per cent that of methamphetamine was 24 per cent and that of ecstasy – 20 per cent.
New uncontrolled psychoactive substances are also becoming popular. However, there also are some differences between the Baltic States. Whereas heroin is common in Lithuania, in Estonia the preferred substance is fentanyl (a synthetic heroin alternate). In Lithuania, the most popular synthetic drug is methamphetamine, whereas in Estonia amphetamine is in higher demand. In Latvia, amphetamine and methamphetamine share the market almost equally. The three countries are used for transit of drugs from the East to the West and vice versa, and for the transit of synthetic drugs to Scandinavia.
In Lithuania the members of OCGs share functions among themselves: some are responsible for the production or acquisition of drugs, others are in charge of local logistics (i.e., the selection and recruitment of couriers), while others are responsible for handling. Assignments are usually distributed with regard to the capabilities of the members of the group.[13] Heroin is usually brought to Lithuania from Russia. Some remains in Lithuania while the remainder is shipped to the region of Kaliningrad and Latvia.
Organized criminal groups use the transportation and financial sectors and the illicit market of commodities and services. New technologies facilitate the organization of criminal acts and complicate the discovery of crime and the gathering of evidence. The groups are encouraged in the illicit circulation of drugs due to the ease with which they operate and the great profits resulting from constant demand for narcotic substances and the existence of a market of consumers.
Because of its high price, cocaine has not been marketable in Lithuania and has been replaced by amphetamines or methamphetamines, which are considerably cheaper and have similar effects.
Even though the demand for cocaine is small in Lithuania, large quantities are being brought into the country for re-export to other European countries or Russia, where the demand is higher. Cocaine traffickers thus use Lithuania as a transit country to mislead law enforcement.
Along with amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS), cannabis is the most popular drug among consumers. Lithuania, like Europe, has faced the spreading phenomenon of indoor cannabis cultivation. Cannabis may thus be cultivated in Lithuania or imported from the Netherlands or Spain. In 2009, 313 cases of cannabis detention were registered and 356 suspects were identified.[14]
However the availability of amphetamine has decreased in the local market, as methamphetamine has become more popular. Illicit facilities for the production of methamphetamine and amphetamine have been found in Lithuania. Their products are not solely for the local market but are also transported to Scandinavia (through Latvia and Estonia) and Russia. Ecstasy, however, remains in Lithuania while other drugs are transported to Russia. The smuggling routes thus created are not only used for the transportation of drugs produced in Lithuania but also for the carriage of ecstasy and the import of amphetamine.
In 2009, the retail price of tobacco products increased by 26.1 per cent compared to 2008 prices because excise and value-added tax (VAT) rates were doubled. Retail sales of tobacco products decreased by 31 per cent (for comparable prices), and statistics for the first semester of 2010 show that the legal market for cigarettes is shrinking.
In comparison with previous years there was a significant rise in contraband cigarettes shipped from third countries (most often Russia and Belarus), as well as increase in the quantity of contraband cigarettes seized in Lithuania. However, Lithuania remains a transit country, and 85 per cent of the cigarettes detained in Lithuania are intended for the black market of European countries (the United Kingdom, Germany, and Poland). The most popular brand of cigarettes smuggled through Lithuania has always been Jin Ling. A 1000 per cent profit was made by legally acquiring tobacco products in third countries (most often in Russia) and selling them illegally on the black market of EU member states. It has been noticed that those who previously organized the smuggling of cigarettes via the green border have started transporting them in cargo trucks and cars equipped with hidden compartments, thus decreasing the cost of transportation.
Due to the different prices of cigarettes in neighboring countries, intensified cross-border shopping has lately been observed in Lithuania. Individuals can legally import a certain quantity of cigarettes and alcohol. However, much of what is imported is not intended for personal use, but for resale. There has also been an increase in the number of Polish citizens, who, in order not to attract the attention of the Lithuanian law enforcement officers, purchase cars with Lithuanian registration numbers. These cars are equipped with specially equipped hidden compartments (in a fuel tank, an airbag or a double floorboard) for the illegal shipment of cigarettes.
In comparison to 2008, the retail prices of alcoholic beverages increased by 9.2 per cent in 2009. The price increase was caused by a higher excise rate, which was applied on January 1, 2009 and was influenced by VAT, which was raised in 2009. The prices of fortified alcoholic beverages have also greatly increased. In 2009, 3.3 million decalitres of fortified beverages were sold, which is 559,000 decalitres (14.3 per cent) less than in 2008.[15] The principal trends in alcohol smuggling have remained the same: products are smuggled from neighboring EU countries (Poland and Latvia). The scope of the transportation of illegal alcohol from Poland and Latvia and the scope of the production inside the country has expanded. Due to a liberal application of regulations regarding denaturing alcohol, legally produced alcohol, or alcohol brought from third countries is shipped to Lithuania (legally or illegally) where it is illegally processed under domestic conditions using simple technology and sold on the home market.
Special experience is needed to smuggle cigarettes and alcoholic beverages. The smugglers must be familiar with the terrain, have some minimal ability speak a foreign language, maintain contacts with criminal groups in neighboring counties, and have specially equipped cars and professional drivers. Members of the same OCG usually conduct all the stages of this criminal activity, but distribute tasks and roles. Some buy cigarettes from foreign suppliers or legally operating factories (in the region of Kaliningrad [Russia] or in Ukraine) while others bring cigarettes to Lithuania or arrange orders and sell cigarettes to the persons who later handle cigarettes in Lithuania or resell them. The smuggled cigarettes are most often shipped to Lithuania in hidden compartments or are hidden under various goods in trucks and cars. From the region of Kaliningrad, cigarettes are also shipped across the state border, bypassing the border checkpoints and are carried across the river on waterborne transport. Tobacco and its products illegally transit via Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Belarus, Poland, Greece, Hungary, and Sweden. The destination countries are Lithuania, Poland, Germany, England, Ireland, and Norway. Contacts are maintained with Russian, Polish, German, Latvian, Belarusian, Ukrainian, Israeli, and other criminal groups.
The main reasons for the increase of the smuggling of tobacco products are the general socio-economic decline and the considerable increase in cigarettes' prices. OCGs are attracted to this because it offers quick, high profits without much labor expenditure. As the organizers of the smuggling usually stay in the background, it is hard to identify them, and they are rarely imprisoned. The penalty for smuggling tobacco products is also lighter than that for smuggling narcotic substances.
Smuggling of cigarettes and alcohol direct damages the collection of state revenues, and the image and economy of Lithuania. Those who engage in this trade work illegally, do not declare their income, and do not pay taxes. Market competition is strained when the legal trade competes with illegal trade. Due to the fact that most of the cigarettes shipped via Lithuania are intended for the black market in EU countries, these countries must suffer similar damage. However, we do not possess any specific data on the influence of this criminal activity in the Baltic region inside and outside the EU.
The production and distribution of counterfeit currency is not common in Lithuania, since Lithuania is not a member of the eurozone. Nevertheless, the euro remains the most frequently counterfeited and distributed currency, particularly banknotes in denomination of 20 and 50 euros. The majority of counterfeit euros are handled in eurozone countries, but there are cases of people being paid for commodities in counterfeit euros. However, according to the data of the European Central Bank, the number of counterfeit euro banknotes is not very high in comparison with the increasing number of genuine euro banknotes in circulation.
The cessation of internal border control gives persons committing crimes the ability to travel freely in EU countries and to carry counterfeit money or other illicit items. The rapid development of technology allows organized groups to acquire high quality counterfeit money, which significantly hampers detection. As many countries have not yet introduced the euro, people have difficulties in telling the difference between real and counterfeit banknotes, and foreign citizens are very trusting. It is thus easy for those who wish to commit crimes to deceive them. Economic and financial problems in the Baltic states are partial preconditions for the commission of criminal acts such as the production, keeping, or handling of counterfeit money or securities.
The production and distribution of counterfeit euros do not have a particular influence on the economies of the countries of the Baltic region, although private persons suffer damage because they are ignorant about the security features of euros and accept counterfeit banknotes. Bank employees easily detect the counterfeits with special equipment used to identify security features of currency and immediately withdraw such notes from circulation.
Human trafficking has taken a new form as some victims agree to travel to countries with higher standards of living and engage in voluntary prostitution. The women's social vulnerability (unemployment, absence of income) and absence of other information results in their allowing others to take half of their income. Human trafficking is organized and committed not only by OCGs but also, in some regions of Lithuania, by individuals with no direct connections with OCGs.
Human trafficking involves recruiting people (by deception or telling the truth), organizing transportation (by finding ways to forge documents and arrange transport), and searching for locations in which to sell and receive profit. Payment is sometimes extracted from the person's earnings. Victims of human trafficking are usually women aged 18 to 24. They are recruited through modeling agencies, radio shows, online dating, social networks such as Facebook and other websites, and often voluntarily leave their home countries. Cases are known in which women are offered legal jobs (as waitresses and dancers), but once transported abroad they are forced to provide sexual services. Violence is also often used to make them work and to intimidate others. Search and recruitment is conducted by low-level members of the OCGs. Women are not only recruited by procurers but also by working prostitutes who receive rewards of up to 600 euros for a new woman.
Poland is one of the main transit countries through which persons are carried, but persons were also carried through Latvia, Germany, and the Czech Republic (using land transport where there was no internal border control). The destination countries are states with higher standards of living, whose economies are more stable, and where there is a demand for cheap labor and sexual services (e.g., Germany).
Employment, dating, and modeling agencies, recreation centers, nightclubs, rented flats, and hotels are used to commit these criminal acts. The establishment of LBSs is often planned along with the criminal activity being organized. Companies are set up in the names of other, often antisocial, persons. LBSs are established not only in Lithuania but also in the countries in which criminal acts are committed. Favorable conditions for these criminal acts are created by tolerant national legislation, scarce state control, and the demand for sexual services and cheap labor in the destination countries.
The commission of these criminal activities is conditioned by complicated economic situations and high levels of unemployment in Lithuania. The reason OCGs participate in these criminal acts may be that they offer low risk and high profits. The proceeds of this crime are invested in legal business, and so destabilize the economy of the state.
In 2009, 4229 cases of fraud were registered by law enforcement agencies, and 2494 more were registered between January and July 2010. In comparison with 2008 (when there were 2773 cases of fraud), there is an obvious increase in the commission of this kind of crime.[18]
The economic crisis has affected many fields of business. Payments among the participants in an economy in disarray and a massive increase in mutual debts raise the probability of an increase in fraud crimes. Business difficulties stimulate the rise of new ways of perpetrating fraud, manipulation, shady financial transactions, and other forms of misappropriation. An increase of insurance fraud is also predicted. Companies that are going bankrupt, receiving no bank loans, and short of liquid assets will easily be attracted by offers of financial assistance or investment and will not investigate the source of the money. Analysis of investigations shows a trend of OCGs working to create favorable environment for acquiring legal businesses. By taking over insolvent companies and using them to launder the proceeds of crime, criminal groups would more easily be able to control a legal business. There has also been an increase in the number of fraud cases among legal entities. Companies are established or purchased in order to commit fraud, and commodities are purchased on the grounds of consignation. There are also cases of fraud in the recovery of VAT. Companies of this kind later go bankrupt or are illicitly sold to other persons, and further activity is undertaken. The persons who acquire them are usually antisocial, and trade is conducted using lost or stolen identity documents. Recently, many cases have been disclosed in which companies participated in fraud involving social allowances. For example, the salary of a female employee is disproportionally raised before her maternity leave and she receives a "raised" social allowance for two years. Fraud of this kind is usually only possible in private companies.
Law enforcement agencies have shown that the key component in frauds is the use of personal data belonging to another person.[19] Thus fraud is closely related to forgery of identity documents. In recent years, criminal acts of an economic nature have been noticed, including handling real estate belonging to other persons, fraud in order to acquire valuable real estate, great, employment fraud in, deliberate bankruptcy (Phoenix Syndrome), cargo fraud, and so on. Criminal acts involving the so-called "Phoenix Syndrome" have been registered in recent years. They happen when companies transfer property or activities to newly established subsidiary companies in order to evade paying VAT or other taxes, or to avoid payment for commodities or services to suppliers. Analysis of police investigations revealed new trends in criminal acts committed by organized groups.
Lithuanian assets are also targeted by foreign nationals acting on behalf of foreign companies. They forge documents indicating purchase of commodities from Lithuanian companies. For example, in the case of telephone purchases, they provided falsified documents to the State Tax Inspectorate (STI), and requested the recovery of VAT due to overpayment. These are cases where commodities were allegedly bought for handling in the Lithuanian market and were then allegedly exported abroad.
When it comes to VAT fraud, Lithuanian companies are usually used rather than foreign enterprises. Recently there have been more cases in which companies tried to obtain VAT payments from the state, rather than evading VAT payments. In other words, they simulated trade and requested refunds from the state.
VAT fraud is usually related to trading in oil products, metals, vehicles and their parts, and consumer commodities, and to the construction sector. VAT fraud also occurs in relation to the provision of various services and work that is difficult to verify and assess completion (such as advertising, applying research, mediation services) as well as in the field of information technologies and meat processing.
Although the methods of OCGs are becoming more elaborate, our analysis shows that the methods of VAT fraud have remained the same as in previous years:
· export of commodities is simulated using falsified documents;
· purchase of goods or services from other companies operating within the territory of the Republic of Lithuania is simulated using forged documents;
· forged documents certifying a supposedly legal purchase are used for legalization of illegally purchased goods. Later these commodities are resold for other undertakings;
· front companies (which are not conducting actual activities) are involved in the chain of purchasing commodities or services in order to fictitiously increase the prices of commodities and services purchased or to reduce the prices of goods and services sold;
· despite being aware of the complicated financial situations of a company, such as an impending bankruptcy, company managers continue to recruit customers and sign contracts for work or services while taking advance fees.
The most popular model of VAT fraud is the purchase of commodities or services from other companies active in the territory of Lithuania using falsified documents. A variant of this is the involvement of companies that do not actually purchase commodities or services but which illicitly increase or decrease the price of commodities or services purchased. It has been found that companies conducting fraudulent operations are very often also involved in legal activities.
Moreover, it has been found that companies that allegedly trade illicitly to evade VAT also evade the compulsory corporation tax. When committing fraud, members of OCGs share roles in order to fraudulently evade taxes or obtain funds from the state.
In order to commit criminal acts of this kind private companies whose role is to purchase real estate and register them in their name, are usually used. It should be noted that OCG members work in the companies mentioned.
Many law enforcement officers, prosecutors, and lawyers, at all levels and ranks, particularly those who specialize in tax cases, become corrupt. They set out to receive unlawful rewards from persons suspected of crimes against the financial system, who can avoid prosecution by paying bribes. If the bribe fails – that is to say, if the pre-trial investigation is not dismissed or the criminal act is not downgraded to a milder article of the criminal code – these persons make up charges and pay officers to intimidate or financially weaken their business competitors.
Those who participate in corruption in public tendering are persons who in the administrative field (officials of ministries, budgetary institutions, and municipalities), employees of public institutions, and managers of private companies or companies run by the state and municipalities. Aspects of corruption are noticed in all fields and stages of public tendering. Corrupt activity manifests itself most in the organization of public tendering regarding constructions, refurbishment, and information technologies.
Different corruption mechanisms are employed at each stage of public tendering. The initial stage includes one type of fraud. Representatives of companies participating in this procedure come to an informal agreement on a winner in a certain town, region, or ministry, and fix the price for services, commodities, or work. Agreements of this kind maintain high prices and stable income (the company knows how many tenders it will win each year). They also exclude possible competitors.
Civil servants or employees of municipalities and state companies participate in one of the most popular forms of corruption at the initial stage. This stage involves the drawing up of tender conditions for a particular supplier or commodity, with the establishment of requirements for qualification or technical specifications. Competitors may be excluded from tendering on the basis of requirements or qualification that have no direct connection with the commodity, service, or works required (e.g.. turnover, number of employees). Inside information is sometimes leaked at the this stage.
Future winners of tenders often arrange the tender conditions with the representatives of the contracting organization, set the requirements to suit their own qualifications, and sometimes even pay an illegal reward.
At the initial stages, those who able to influence the results of public tendering (members of the commissions of public tendering, high-ranking officials of ministries and municipalities such as advisors and consultants to managers and mayors) are bribed. In later stages, bribes are not only given to ministry or municipal officials but gifts may also be given to members of the commission.
Certain officers of the state receive monetary rewards for the organization of corrupt public tendering in the form of provision of certain services. Thus their real estate may be refurbished and they may receive discounts when purchasing a vehicle or gifts such as trips and furniture.
In order to launder money, foreign companies transfer their money to the accounts of fake foreign or Lithuanian companies that are usually established in Lithuanian banks by foreign citizens. Money is then transferred from one country to another through Lithuania financial institutions using the accounts of these fake companies. The proceeds of crime acquired in Lithuania may be transferred to foreign states, or the proceeds of crime in foreign countries may be transferred to Lithuania.
Lithuanian companies transfer money to the fake company or non-profit (usually fitness clubs), and the money is cashed immediately after it has been transferred. After the money has been cashed, fake accounts are opened and managed by antisocial citizens of both Lithuania and foreign countries who often have connections with criminal groups.
It is assumed that the major reason for transferring assets to Lithuania is to conceal the illegal origin of the assets. Nevertheless, cases have been discovered in which Lithuanian nationals used accounts in foreign countries while engaging in similar criminal activity.
Lithuanian companies increasingly use companies registered in foreign countries and foreign nationals to transfer money to the accounts of fake companies or offshore companies in foreign banks. More cases occur in which money is cashed in neighboring countries and in which the citizens of that particular country are involved.
Quite a number of accounts for fake foreign companies have been opened in Lithuanian credit establishments. These may be called transit accounts. International payment transfers, including online transfers made into these accounts from abroad, are further transferred to another foreign commercial bank. This method of moving money in which money travels through many countries and into many accounts may be used in various tax evasion schemes and in the legalization of the proceeds of crime. It is difficult to identify the sources of the assets and the final receivers.
Money laundering has a geographic principle that is closely related to the principle of neighborhood (close in distance, no language boundaries) and the possibility of freely crossing the borders of EU countries. Since the Lithuanian border is one of the external borders of the EU, illegal assets are smuggled to third countries (the Russian Federation, Belarus) without being declared to the customs services of the Republic of Lithuania. Cash smuggling is one of the most frequent elements in money laundering schemes in order to conceal the illicit source and origin of money as well as its state of origin. Now that the internal EU borders are open, export of the proceeds of crime from the Republic of Lithuania has become extremely simple and, after further financial transactions, the origin of the illicit assets becomes particularly difficult to trace. The geography of the financial transactions of OCGs is also influenced by the geographical location of Lithuania, which is especially attractive for drug transit.
An increase in international crimes can be seen in Lithuania. For instance, Lithuanian OCGs have strong relations with criminals in the UK, Germany, and Spain. They jointly plan and engage in criminal activities, especially in the fields of drugs, human trafficking, smuggling, and forgery. It is indeed easier for them to implement their criminal activities together. Organized criminal groups are involved in drug dealing because it produces huge profits and can even be run from prison. They agree between themselves to control the whole drug business. Less financially affluent members of the criminal world, or weak criminal groups, attempt to join the most successful criminal groups. Criminal groups from small cities in Lithuania also try to join criminal associations operating in the capital, Vilnius. More and more often, the members of the criminal world are looking for opportunities to implement criminal activities in European Union countries, and many members of criminal groups are leaving the country in order to continue their criminal activities abroad.
It should be mentioned that globalization and the economic crisis have had a huge impact on the criminological situation in all countries. In Lithuania, the number of crimes against the financial system, committed by OCGs increased during the economic crisis. The most important measure in fighting organized crime is prevention of the financing of organized crime. Lithuania has already set in place laws concerning the confiscation of assets and the prevention and control of organized crime. Impeding the legalization of criminally acquired funds is an efficient mechanism to control organized crime. In order to destroy the economic potential of organized crime groups, as well as criminal businesses and their internal executive infrastructures and relations, special attention should be paid to the leading and organizing chains of the groups. To promote the fight against organized crime, groups of law enforcement, finance, and control institutions and other related institutions should cooperate.
The analysis of recent organized criminal activities suggests that there are many more professional criminals than before. Nowadays, unlawful activities are based on good mutual relations, at both domestic and international levels, and they rely on highly organized financial, technical, and information supplies.
It is very difficult to predict trends in the development of organized crime. Before 1993 the threat of organized crime was very real in Lithuania. Some researchers even raised the question of whether the country would be governed by criminal justice or organized crime.
Thanks to new laws directed against organized crime and the strengthening of the criminal justice system, there were a few successful trials and convictions in court, which weakened the position and influence of organized crime in Lithuania. However, organized crime in some fields such as smuggling, drug trafficking, theft of cars and from households, corruption and human trafficking and remains strong. The future depends on development of the political and economic situation and reform of the legal system and of the criminal justice system. There are enough options to bring organized crime under control.
[1] Labour Force, Employment and Unemployment. Statistics Lithuania, 2009. www.stat.gov.lt (2011 05 03 21:05:58)
[2] Gruzevskis B., Zabarauskaite R. Social Consequences of Economic Downturn (2008) in Lithuania // Economics. Research Papers. Vol. 89(3), Vilnius 2010. P. 83.
[3] International Migration of Lithuanian Population. Statistics Lithuania, Vilnius 2008. www.stat.gov.lt
[4] At the beginning of 2010, the company "Spinter tyrimai" conducted a survey on the attitudes of Lithuanian citizens towards emigration. In total, 1003 respondents were surveyed. According to the survey, 58.7% of the respondents would like to leave the country (65% of them were persons aged 18-25).
[5] Statistical Yearbook of Lithuania 2010, Vilnius 2010. P. 219-220.
[6] Gruzevskis B., Zabarauskaite R. Social Consequences of Ecomomic Downturn (2008) in Lithuania // Economics 2010 Vol. 89 (3).
[7] Lithuanian Free Market Institute, Survey of the Lithuanian Economy, 2009; T. Pedersen, What are the proposes for Lithuania's economy 2011-2013, 2011; V. Trasberg, Tax Administration and shadow economy in EU new members, 2004; World Bank, Tax Policy and Administration, http://www.worldbank.org/publicsector/tax/
[8] Information Analysis Board Criminal Police Bureau 2010.
[9] OCTA Europol, EU Organized Crime Threat Assessment 2009,
[10] Information from division of Lithuanian Criminal Police Bureau.
[11] Anti-organized crime Division of Criminal Police. Report of organized crime investigation.
[12] http://lkpb.policija.lt/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=135 .- LKPB oficiali internetinė svetainė
[14] Information Analysis Board Criminal Police Bureau 2010.
[15] Statistikos departamento tinklapis. 2010-06-11 d. pranešimas spaudai "Alkoholio vartojimas ir padariniai 2009 m". Department of Statistics website 2010-06-11.
[16] Lietuvos banko internetinė svetainė http://www.lb.lt žiūrėta 2010-09-15. Bank of Lithuania website.
[17] Information Analysis Board Criminal Police Bureau 2010.
[18] IRD prie VRM statistika, žiūrėta 2010-08-26
[19] Information Analysis Board Criminal Police Bureau 2010.
[20] "Lithuania to cut benefits, pay, hike VAT to fight crisis", EU Business, June 19, 2009. http://www.eubusiness.com/news-eu/1245249122.94/
This weekend Klaipeda’s new Mayor, Vytautats Grubliauskas, greeted guests from Lithuania’s international community with jazz trumpet virtuosity, also singing Louis Armstrong’s ‘What a wonderful World’ very convincingly.
'The Singing Mayor' has introduced a completely new and refreshing sound into Lithuania's political life. A human face with a good ability to communicate with the audience through song and music. This bodes well and should be a source of inspiration for many!
Former U.S. President Bill Clinton became the world's most famous ‘jazz politician’, when he already during the election campaign in 1992 hit new tunes for U.S. politics, playing his tenor saxophone in a very convincing manner.
Lithuania has its own jazz politician through Klaipeda's newly elected mayor, VytautasGrubliauskas, who sings and plays trumpet in a top professional manner, latest for a large group from Lithuania's international community at an event in Klaipeda this weekend, when members of the British Chamber of Commerce in Lithuania took the road to the coast to a joint programme with the coastal city's international business organization.
The truth is that Mayor Grubliauskas for many years was one of Western Lithuania’s leading jazz musicians, known as the principal soloist of the Doudi Jazz Band from Klaipeda, famous for his trumpet playing and singing with a raspy voice that gave him the nickname ‘Lithuanian’s Louis Armstrong’. For many years Vytautas Grubliauskas shared his time and energy between performing and wide-ranging public activities, as a long-time president of the Klaipėda Jazz Club, Associate Professor and Head of the Jazz Department at the Klaipėda University, artistic and executive director of the Klaipėda Jazz Festival (now as a patron), and finally as a member of Seimas (Lithuania’s parliament) before winning the latest municipal elections and taking the post as Mayor of Klaipeda last month.
I have the suspicion that Mr. Grubliauskas will become internationally known as 'Lithuania’s Singing Mayor', after he introduced a completely new and refreshing sound into Lithuania's political life to the country’s international community this weekend. A human face with a good ability to community with the audience through song and music. This bodes well and should be a source of inspiration for many!
VilNews will revert with a comprehensive coverage of Klaipeda later in June, including an interview with the new Mayor, where we will be discussing politics, society, business, energy, tourism, culture and new visions for the coastal city and the region it is the capital for.
And for all of you who love jazz, please note that Klaipeda’s world famous Jazz Festival takes place the weekend of 3 – 5 June. If you are lucky also you may then be able to listen to ‘Lithuania’s Singing Mayor’!
Read more about the Jazz Festival at http://www.jazz.lt/festival/index.php?lang_id=2
A boat trip is a must when you visit Klaipeda. So also when members of the British Chamber of Commerce in Lithuania this weekend took the road to the coast for a joint programme with the coastal city's international business organization.
Energy infrastructure in the Baltic areas
By Aage Myhre, Editor-in-Chief
We described in yesterday's VilNews how the big powers France, Germany, Poland, and Russia now seem to be moving into a better climate of cooperation among themselves. We suggested in this context that Lithuania and the other Baltic States once again could become victims of the great powers' actions, and we recommended a much closer cooperation with the Nordic countries (Scandinavia) as the best and safest solution for Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the future. See also articles below.
The Baltic countries should, in my opinion, cooperate closely on a common approach to Scandinavia, and they should do their utmost to become independent of gas, oil and electricity from Russia – as soon as possible.
Lithuania already pays 40% more for gas bought from Gazprom than what Germany pays for the same gas, and there is little doubt that Russia is doing everything possible to prevent the Baltic States from developing their own energy sources. Russia has already taken a number of worrisome, significant steps to maintain and enhance its energy monopoly here.
The Baltic States may soon be even more squeezed and caught in a trap if the Nordic countries and the EU do not do more to help in achieving a much higher degree of independence from Russian energy.
The aspect of altered safety and balance in this region could easily be the next step, and we think the Baltic States, the Nordic countries and EU should look very carefully into this situation.
Here are two of the comments we have received to our yesterday's issue of VilNews:
|
Lithuania's hostile neighbourhood As an American, witnessing current American- Israeli discussions re: 1967 War boundaries. I would remain cautious about Obama's commitment to the Baltic nations. Kudos to Grybauskaite's remarks in 2010. Grybauskaite should be prepared to reiterate the need to validate past disclosures of US-NATO defense commitments to Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia. Just as there should be no illusions about the hostile neighborhood surrounding Israel, there must be no illusions re: Russian foreign policy affecting the Baltics and Poland. |
|
The true export of Russia is wholesale corruption, all-out cynicism
Aage, greetings. While in no way disputing the main thesis of your piece, I would like to supply a quick comment on its opening posit, concerning the "potential new alliance between France, Germany, Poland and Russia." Russia, I am afraid, is the odd man out in that suppositional constellation. It is, at present, a less than benign autocracy, and its economic model can only be described as unmitigated kleptocracy. 60-70% of its hard-currency revenue is due to oil and gas export, it is the world's third-largest international supplier of mineral resources, and so some of the more energy-dependent European countries, willy-nilly, exercise a cravenly "pragmatic" approach in their bilateral relations with Russia's ruling regime, agreeing to turn a blind eye even to some of its more blatant violations of human rights and economic freedoms. This is a country with no free elections, no freedom of press, no opposition figures ever allowed access to television; this is one of the most dangerous places on earth to be an independent journalist: the murder incidences among that category of people is very high indeed.
According to the Transparency International annual state-corruption ratings, Russia currently occupies the 154th spot out of the total of 178 on their: still ahead of Somalia, yet -- just as an example -- lagging behind Nigeria. And that's the true export of Russia, in the grand scheme of things: wholesale corruption, all-out cynicism. It is, in all, a shameful, thoroughly failed place, right now, I'm sad to say.
Dr. Stan Backaitis
Text: Dr. Stan Backaitis
P.E., SAE Fellow, USCBSC Consortium, member of CEEC
Russia can turn the lights out on Lithuania and the other two Baltic states any time it pleases. And they can't turn them back on without Russia’s permission.
Not only does this small, central European nation, as well as its neighbors Latvia and Estonia, not have access to the Russian owned-switch, but, to a large extent, it also depends on energy supplies from Russia to power its electricity generating plants; power that is needed for energy and economic independence. Lithuania as well as the other Baltic countries, being poor in energy resources, are facing a tough future and are seeking solutions.
What would you do?
Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant on the shore of Druksiu lake
Background
Lithuania’s Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant (INPP), a Soviet Union built installation with two RBMK-1500 reactors, was finally shut down on December 31, 2009. Closing down INPP was one of the conditions of Lithuania’s accession to membership in the European Union (EU). Overnight, the shut down changed Lithuania from a country exporting large amounts of electricity to a huge electricity importer, mainly from Russia, which is seen as an unreliable, and driven by political motives, supplier. Unfortunately, most of the remaining Lithuania’s power plants, that produce electricity, are fired by natural gas. Russia is its only accessible supplier.
To escape from dependency on Russia’s energy resources, Lithuania’s government, upon shut-down of the first INPP reactor in 2004, (Fig. 1) has made occasional statements of building a new nuclear power plant (NPP) in partnership with Latvia and Estonia. However, beyond rhetoric, nothing concrete was accomplished for the following four years. Only in June 2009, Andrius Kubilius, upon forming a new Lithuanian government, indicated that a new NPP, serving all three Baltic countries - Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia, as well as Poland , would be built and put into operation in the 2018-20 timeframe.
In December 2009, the newly formed Lithuania’s Energy ministry (ENMIN) announced a tender offer for the development, design, construction, and management of a new NPP at Visaginas (VNPP). Review of some 20 responses indicated that only five of the proposals were worthy of further consideration. In September 2010, the ENMIN asked the five respondents to propose committing bids. Of the two responding parties in November 2010, only South Korea’s “Korea Electric Power Corporation” (KEPCO) was found to be in full compliance with the terms of the tender offer. However, two weeks later on December 10, 2010, KEPCO announced withdrawing its proposed bid.
The news media in Lithuania and the other Baltic countries are busy speculating about reasons for failing to home-in on an investor for the new NPP. The stories range from Russia’s pressure on all bidders to withdraw from the bidding process and its announcements to build two separate NPPs on the eastern and southwestern borders of Lithuania to KEPCO’s withdrawal because of possible armed conflict between North and South Koreas.
This mini study recognizes several factors that appear to have been predominant causes for the failure of the tender offer. They are: political, economic, financial, and indecisions partly due to Russia’s controlling influence on the existing electricity system and partly due to insufficient appreciation by Lithuania’s politicians and energy planners of how large international corporations and financial institutions operate as well as interact with their respective countries’ governments in such large financial commitments.
Political factors
Although Lithuania and the other two Baltic states have attained political independence, they still belong by virtue of electricity and gas imports to Russia's sphere of influence (Fig. 2.). Apparently, Russia has no intention to strong-arm the Baltic states over energy issues, since the sale of energy to them provides Russia substantially better margin of profits than sales, for example, to western Europe. Being the sole supplier of energy resources, Russia has a tremendous amount of leverage over the three countries in terms of their price and delivery. To break away from this dependence, Lithuania and its partners Latvia and Estonia announced their intention in 2004 to build a new nuclear plant that would provide them the needed electric power and thus free them of imports from Russia. However, for nearly four years, while the second reactor of INPP was still operating, Lithuania showed little initiative in firming up the plans to build the new NPP.
Russian-controlled energy infrastructure in the Baltic areas
While Russia until 2008 had no apparent intentions to build a new NPP in the Baltic region, realizing that Lithuania’s plans for a new NPP are in disarray, Moscow took the bull by the horns and announced in early 2009 its decision to construct a two reactor NPP in the Kaliningrad region – the Baltiiskaya nuclear power plant (BNPP). Inasmuch as the first BNPP reactor is aimed to begin operations in 2016 and the second one in 2020, the need for power from a significantly more expensive to fund reactor in Lithuania was put into question. By deciding to build the BNPP, Russia gained a strategic advantage. It reinforced its position as an overpowering electricity supplier to the Baltic region and eventually to Western Europe. This situation has become even more complex by Belarus announcement in 2009 of its intention to build a new NPP in Ostroviec in the Grodno region, in close proximity to the Lithuanian border. Russia’s Putin and Belarus’s Lukashenka (Fig. 3) signed a financial agreement on March 16, 2011, securing Russia’s financial backing in the amount of 9 bln. USD and technical assistance for the Ostroviec project. In return, Russia will own 50 percent share in the future NPP and is likely to offer its share of energy output to the European market.
Putin and Lukashenka agreeing on financing the Astraviec NPP
It appears that Lithuania’s desire to free itself from dependence on Russia’s energy supplies, by building the VNPP, might be a very desirable and valiant goal, but not very realistic in the current energy politics environment. Of course, this might change if the EU agreed to provide substantial funds for this project. However, there are no current signs for this kind of support apart from some vague statements by EU commissioners about the importance of energy independence.
Upon closure of the first INPP reactor in 2004, several Lithuania’s government officials talked on a few occasions, of the need to build a new NPP in partnership with Latvia and Estonia. In 2007 Lithuania invited Poland to join as an additional partner. However, even to date the partnership statements about the new NPP remain more rhetoric than formal commitments and contractual obligations. Normally, such massive projects require published consensus by all parties defining the need and scope of the undertaking, identifying principal elements, time schedules, financial contributions, sharing work and responsibilities by each participant, etc. Of further concern is apparent lack of commitment by both Latvia and Estonia to sever their ties from Russia's NorthWest (BRELL) power grid, which is essential for the Baltic states to achieve complete electrical independence.
The only accomplishments by Lithuania’s government during the first four years, from closure of the first INPP reactor in 2004, was to create in 2008 a semipublic utility corporation - the LEO.LT and the VNPP project office, with the intention of giving the NPP project some momentum. However, since then, in nearly two years, the rhetoric continued without any visible results.
The ENMIN, upon its establishment by the Kubilius government, dissolved the LEO.LT in September 2010 for its ineffectiveness. Subsequently, the ENMIN issued a tender offer for building the VNPP. However, the ENMIN failed to include its partners in the preparation of the tender offer and thereafter, in the review of the responses. Such exclusion of partners, significantly reduced the integrity and credibility of the project and its importance in the eyes of the bidders, particularly that Latvia, Estonia and Poland are supposed to be financial participants and customers for electricity. To make matters worse, the partners by now were also openly discussing the possibility of going alone with the acquisition of nuclear power plants for own electricity needs.
Economic factors
Shortly after closing INPP’s first reactor in 2004, Lithuania had a relatively easy opportunity to resolve its energy problems by building a new NPP. Its economy was strong and growing, raising the needed finances was relatively easy, and its neighbors, Latvia and Estonia, were very interested in participating in the project as receivers of their share of electricity. Construction of NPPs in the world was until 2007 in relative stagnation, and numerous NPP construction companies were eager to compete for new construction jobs. However, in the latter part of 2007 and in later years, the emerging economic crisis in the Western World and escalating energy demands have begun to radically increase the number of NPP constructions, particularly in China and India. It is to be noted that over 60 new NPP constructions have been started in the past several years throughout the world and many more are planned. Such rapid escalation of construction activity. coupled with less than a dozen companies capable of building NPPs, resulted in large increases of NPP construction costs. Lead times needed to manufacture major reactor and power plant components are now well over five years.
Regrettably, Lithuania's delay for almost four years to come to a decision undermined a relatively easy opportunity to become a nuclear based power producer again. Current environment for the construction of a new NPP is particularly unfavorable to small, highly indebted countries, compared to those having reasonably large initial down payments including capabilities of guaranteeing repayment of loans. Accordingly, it is not surprising to see low level of interest by large investors to participate in the project, because VNPP’s competitive viability became highly questionable in view of Russia’s intention to construct competing NPPs in the Kaliningrad enclave and in Belorussia.
Russia’s skills to use various opportunities to its advantage should be considered normal commercial practice but with added political overtones. By being a major and an aggressive player in the nuclear field, Russia is capable of offering a variety of economic and financial enticements to attract business. For example, a late news item in the energy news media indicates that Russia offered to provide a long term low interest loan to the Czech Republic if it was awarded the contract to build a two reactor power plant. As a sweetener, the Czech industry would be invited to build a number of large NPP components not only for the Czech plant, but also for other NPPs that Russia is constructing in different parts of the world.
Russia, being keenly aware of the attempts of the Baltic countries to break away from their electric energy dependence, saw upon closure of the INPP, a considerable power shortage developing in the region. It also foresaw, that Lithuania, by delaying its resolve to replace the INPP with a new NPP, would allow Russia to fill the energy void with a two reactor power plant in the Kaliningrad region with expressed aim to sell its output in the Baltic and the Western European markets.
Russia knew that if its new plant NPP was built and put into operation ahead of the VNPP, it would have a significant price advantage over the price of electricity that any future Lithuanian NPP could offer. Such information would be a considerable deterrent to investments in any future NPP venture in Lithuania. It reasoned that since BNPP would be built with non-returnable state funds, Lithuania’s planned NPP, constructed with borrowed private funds, would have to impose hefty surcharges to consumers of its electricity to pay off the debts. Accordingly, VNPP would have great difficulty competing based on the price of electricity that did not carry such charges. Understandably, knowledge of such financial burdens would cast in doubt the financial viability of the VAE in the eyes of any potential investor.
It can be agreed with ENMIN claims that the direct expense to produce electricity at VNPP would be relatively low. However, it needs to be pointed out that the cost to the consumer would be significantly higher upon inclusion of expense to maintain reserve power plants at capacities similar to that of the new NPP, outlays associated with treatment and storage of nuclear waste, profits to the foreign plant operator, payments covering the return on borrowed capital and corresponding interest, and very extensive interior and exterior safety provisions. Published comparisons of average costs for labor and nuclear fuels to produce 1 kWh of electricity at a U.S. NPP are around 2.2 cents USD, and about seven Lithuanian (lt) cents (about 2.7 cents USD) at INPP. The addition of all other expenses, such as operating and maintenance costs at the NPP, plant and equipment amortization, and transmission and distribution of electricity expenses result in an average delivery price between 8 and 9 cents (USD) for 1kWh to the U.S. consumer, while comparable cost of 1 kWh electricity produced by INPP was approx 30 cents (lt) (12 cents USD) to the Lithuanian consumer. After closure of INPP, the price of 1kWh of electricity rose to 45 cents (lt).
Future costs to produce a kilowatt hour of electricity at the future VNPP are unknown. Lithuania’s ENMIN estimates indicate 34 cents (lt). Recently, Turkey signed a nuclear power plant construction contract with Russia. It guaranteed Russia for building and operating the NPP, a purchase price of 35 cents (lt) per kWh for some 15 years. Inasmuch as Lithuania proposed in the tender offer similar funding and operating conditions as those between Turkey and Russia, it would be reasonable to assume that 35 cents (lt) per kWh would be the minimum price of electricity sold by the operator of the future VNPP facility Accordingly, it might be difficult to convince any buyer at the BaltPool or NordPool exchanges to purchase electricity at such a price if Baltiiskaya NPP can offer the same for 10 cents (lt) less or even lower, since it would not be burdened with the return on capital and interest payments. The only way VNPP could compete on price would be by the government subsidizing the price difference.
The price of electricity to the consumer is also dependent on amortization of the plant and the power grid, losses within the transmission and distribution systems, and theft of power from the network. Unfortunately, repayments of interest on the loan will need to start before the first watt of electricity is generated. Inasmuch as Lithuania is already highly indebted, any large loans for the NPP would fall in the high risk category, ranging from 10 to 12 percent interest rates. Assuming that the construction of the VAE would require some 18 to 20 bln. litas (7-8 bln. USD), expected interest payments would keep escalating as the construction is progressing, and would amount to approx. 2 bln. litas (800 mln. USD) annually just before the plant produces the first watt of electricity. Inasmuch as the government does not have any funds to make such payments, this money would have to be collected as additional fees to the consumers of electricity. Such payments would be expected to add approx. 15 to 20 cents (lt) to the normal price of electricity that is either imported or generated by conventional power plants. It would be extremely difficult for anyone to justify a price escalation of this magnitude when the same electricity can be imported or bought from BNPP for substantially less.
While the current Lithuanian government is attempting to remedy this unfortunate course of events, regrettably, the four year delay and the arrival on the scene of other large scale power generating capabilities, might have killed or greatly impeded the opportunity to build a competitive NPP. As a result, Lithuania’s people are now burdened by very high electricity prices, and will have to face not only their further escalation, but also uncertainty in continuous supply of electricity and natural gas in future years.
Financing Considerations
Lithuania’s politicians regarded the statements by Russian and Belarus leaders of intention to construct the BNPP and the Ostrovets NPPs, as bluffs, even as late as mid 2010. Moscow was quite clear that the BNPP would generate electricity mainly for export to Western European and the Baltic countries and not for internal needs. This was confirmed in March 2011 agreement between BNPP and Lietuvos InterRAO to import to Lithuania 1000 MW of electric power. By deciding to build a new NPP in the Kaliningrad region, Russia assured that Lithuania’s new NPP, if it was to be built, could not compete on price of electricity generated by the BNPP. As a result, once Russia’s plans for the BNPP were made public, it became extremely difficult for Lithuania to attract investors to finance the VAE project, unless the EU would guarantee the loans. Furthermore, most recently Russia invited both Poland and Latvia to participate as partners in the construction of BNPP in an attempt to wean them away from participating in Lithuania’s NPP project. In addition, Poland was offered not only low electricity prices by the BNPP, but also the opportunity to earn money for the transmission of electricity to Western Europe through Poland's existing power transmission network.
Lithuania’s government created in 2008 a semi-public LEO.LT energy corporation for the purpose of taking care of Lithuania’s energy needs, and by working together with its Latvian and Estonian partners to raise sufficient finances for the construction of a new nuclear power plant at Visaginas. However, upon establishment of LEO.LT, it became apparent that its two shareholders – the government and a private “NDX Energija” corporation – had totally different interests. The government interest was to ensure energy security through construction of a nuclear power plant, while the private investor’s interest was to maximize profits primarily by importing electricity. Such diverse interests were not inducive to good dialogue either in determining on what needs to be done or to conduct constructive discussions with their other partners. To make matters worse, while NDX Energija was to lead and guide the technical effort to build the NPP, its representatives acknowledged that they did not have the needed technical expertise either to plan and organize the building of a nuclear power plant or to raise the needed finances.
Large-scale investors in the western world showed over the years very little interest in Lithuania's energy problems and particularly, its nuclear initiatives. Significant international investors view Lithuania’s and the Baltic states’ commercial energy viability as highly risky, unattractive due to relatively isolated geographic location, small internal and difficult access to large markets, and poor in natural resources. Discussions with a vice president of one of the largest NPP construction company and with several operators of nuclear power plants revealed that they see “the Baltic countries as too small of a market in the region, bordered by a powerful and unpredictable neighbor who is also a significant size low cost energy producer and is ready to undermine any competition using price and other economic as well as political measures. Lithuania, even partnering with its neighbors, could not assure a return of investment of nearly 10 bln. USD, unless the EU would guarantee the needed loans. Considering that the EU had most recently to rescue a number of euro zone member countries from bankruptcy, it would be extremely difficult to find banks willing and capable of providing high risk loans to additional EU countries that are drowning in debts and for projects that might not be financially viable.
Following the publication of a tender offer for the construction of VNPP, Lithuania, as far it is known, has still failed to engage its potential partners in constructive discussions and developing obligatory agreements on the scope and extent of the new NPP, including their projected power needs and their financial contributions. Without such documentary evidence, it would be very difficult to attract serious investors. In spite of these shortcomings, the press reported several ENMIN hints of some 20 companies responding to the tender offer of which only five were found worthy of further consideration. Upon request of the five to submit binding bids, only two responded. Of the two, only KEPCO was found to be fully responsive to all technical specifications, building deadlines and raising the needed financial resources. At this point, the ENMIN vice minister Romas Svedas noted, that Lithuania was ready to inform its regional partners in Latvia, Estonia and Poland about the agreement with KEPCO. However, after two weeks of submitting the final bid, KEPCO notified the ENMIN on December 16, 2010, of its withdrawal from the project.
The withdrawal from the contest of the last candidate, forced the ENMIN to consider a new phase of negotiations with parties that might be interested in the NPP project based on a different set of conditions. With no time to waste, the ENMIN announced that direct negotiations with potential investors would start in January 2010 with a decision to be made as early as June 2010. Obviously, the new conditions would have to be considerably more favorable to attract potential investors. Knowing of the failure of the tender offer, all potential bidders will be at considerable advantage to extract for them much more favorable financial rewards. Any such agreement would be disadvantageous to Lithuania and its partners. At this point, with the government’s prestige on the line, the government either would have to agree with the best offer it receives, or find some excuse to gracefully withdraw its offer.
Indecisions: a detriment to the future
Lithuania, upon attaining independence, has inherited a number of large industrial enterprises such as INPP, electric power and gas facilities, an oil refinery, a large fishing fleet, sizeable electronics industry, etc. Unfortunately, a number of them were mismanaged and not developed to their full potential. Numerous others were either privatized, sold as junk property or went into bankruptcy and disappeared as functioning entities. Similarly, looking at the government delays to plan and take timely action in constructing the new NPP, keeping the public and the partner countries at a distance, continuously revamping the organization and management of the project, suggests that these actions were not in the best interest of the country and its people. It appears that the opportunity was shattered by competing interests between political parties, personal ambitions, disregard of partners' interests, and manipulation by powerful and resourceful interests of the neighboring country to gain strategic advantage. Apart from commitment to the EU to close the INPP, it is not clear what rationale guided the planning or the absence of planning of Lithuania's energy future upon closure of the INPP first reactor in 2004. It can be inferred from some newspaper reports of public officials’ comments that one line of thought was that Lithuania has a reliable natural gas and fuel supplier as well as sufficient power generating capacity of its own to produce adequate amounts of electricity to satisfy all Lithuania’s needs well into mid 2030-s. With gas and oil available in abundance from Russia, there is no urgency to build a replacement nuclear plant for the INPP. Another line of thought was that, shortly before the final closure of the INPP, EU’s authorities in Brussels would be approached with a story that the closure of the second nuclear reactor would create for Lithuania and its population very serious economic hardships. Since it would take nearly a decade to build a new nuclear plant, the EU would be asked to allow the INPP to continue the production of electricity several more years beyond 2010. Unfortunately, Lithuania’s people, who are paying the electricity bills, were never asked of what might be the best approach and/or solution in their judgment.
This line of wishful thinking or self deception prevailed for nearly four years until the arrival of the Kubilius government in late 2008. Although the preceding Kirkilas government announced as early as 2006 informal agreements with Latvia and Estonia to build a new nuclear power plant in Lithuania, surprisingly, the "National Energy Strategy 2007" (NES 2007) document covered the new NPP topic by only one sentence. It stated "that upon closure of the Ignalina NPP and until construction of a new nuclear power plant, the primary source for electricity will be “Lietuvos Elektrine” (Lithuania’s primary power plant)”. In contrast, the same document described in considerable length the development of Lithuania's energy in future years by diversification of energy sources in line with EU directives, such as competitiveness in energy generation, expanded use of natural gas, energy security, and preparation of proposals for a common EU energy policy dialogue with Russia. Of significance is also a discussion of expanded electricity generation using combined cycle gas turbines at “Lietuvos Elektrine”, whose operation is based on imports of natural gas from Russia.
It is not clear why the Government of Lithuania in spring 2007 did not consult its Latvian and Estonian partners by unilaterally including Poland into the partnership. This greatly alarmed both Latvians and Estonians. As a result, in energy conferences in Tallinn and later in Washington, D.C., both in 2007, Latvian and Estonian speakers were publically discussing consideration of smaller nuclear power plants for their future power needs. Latvia did not hide its frustration with Lithuania’s indecision and fogginess regarding the plans to build a new nuclear power plant. "Of course, we are now, as before, very skeptical about this project. From time to time, us, the Estonians, and the Poles wrote letters to Lithuania’s government, delivered appropriate demarches, hoping to somehow move the Lithuanians into action”, said Artis Camphors the Latvian Minister of Economic Affairs.
After Andrius Kubilius takeover of the government in late 2008 and upon establishment of the ENMIN, an extensive review was initiated to determine Lithuania’s current state of affairs of the energy sector and its future needs with particular concern on steps to be taken to attain energy independence. The ENMIN published on October 6, 2010 a new document the “National Energy Strategy 2010” (NES 2010). A couple months later, the ENMIN dissolved the LEO.LT and separated Lithuania’s electrical grid into East and West sectors, which just a year ago were merged into one conglomerate. However, in both cases, the government employed similar bulldozer tactics as used by the previous government. It did not consult either the public or private sector organizations including industrial and commercial users on how the future might be best served and the desired objectives achieved.
Upon KEPCO’s withdrawal from further discussions, the next round of negotiations with potential contractors might be very difficult and could involve significant additional expenses for NPP construction that might be more than Lithuania and its partners could bear. For this reason, it would be prudent for the ENMIN to lay out to the nation the true status of the nation’s energy, realistic projections of future needs, and an array of alternative measures that could be taken to attain sufficient generating capacity and the best means to achieve energy independence. In follow-on nation-wide hearings, rather than self-serving statistical poles, Lithuania’s taxpayers and energy users should be given the responsibility to decide if they would choose to remain a nuclear country and whether other alternatives should be pursued. Lithuania is in dire need of such public discussions during which the public should have the opportunity to listen not only to government declarations of a brighter vision of the future, which is actually very vague, but also to hear independent energy experts’ views and the positions of different user categories. Such discussions would not only bring for consideration additional relevant data and studies, but also facilitate the search for better solutions.
Recent nuclear plant disasters in Japan, necessitate an in -depth safety review of nuclear technologies for generation of electric power and their internal and external safety provisions. It is essential to reexamine the need for and safety of nuclear power plants not only for use in Lithuania, but also the two NPPs that Russia intends to build in the immediate proximity of Lithuania’s major population centers and at locations with marginal water resources. The of water sufficiency resources to fight NPP fires, potential meltdowns and radiation effects must be considered for all extreme climate conditions and other types destructive events. Lithuania needs to request at the highest international levels for an assessment by an independent international team of all safety provisions that Baltiiskaya and Ostroviec NPPs (Fig. 4) will be equipped with. Self certifications by the building and operating countries of the NPPs are just not sufficient when the lives of the entire nation and its habitat are involved. Furthermore, inasmuch as a nuclear disaster can have devastating effects on neighboring countries, the reactor owning country should establish financial insurance deposits at the World Bank or a similar institution to cover losses, should they occur.
Future Russian Nuclear plants on both sides of Lithuania
In the writer’s view, which is also supported by independent academic studies, the government in general and ENMIN in particular is over relying on studies produced by foreign consultants while disregarding analysis and recommendations of qualified experts in the country. It is known, that in many instances external consultants tend to produce studies supporting the purchaser’s desired outcome, knowing that a satisfied customer, would give them a much better chance to win subsequent studies. According to the ENMIN, the consultant projected a bright future and very profitable financial outcome for Lithuania if the new NPP was to be built. It noted that after a dozen years, the new NPP would be like a “hen laying golden eggs”. Unsaid was that Lithuania would have to wait for the first golden egg at least thirty years and hoping that the hen does not die in the meantime because of either old age or in the face of advancement of new technologies and other developments. Indeed, when all costs are taken into account, such as repayment of the NPP construction loan and interest, holding in ready reserve conventional power plant(s), storage of spent nuclear fuel, internal and external safety provisions, etc, very different conclusions could be reached. Furthermore. it is known, but not well publicized, that none of the world's existing nuclear power plants can survive without financial support of their respective governments. While large-scale nuclear power plant might be the most logical and cost-effective solution for energy resources poor Lithuania to assure energy independence, such comparative studies have not been made available to the public. It is the author’s professional and considered opinion that Lithuania should evaluate and make public all available options for its citizens to decide the alternatives they would be willing to support rather than being bulldozed into a financial quagmire by a bureaucratic decree.
Concluding remarks
Although it is difficult to pin down precisely the causes for creating the current energy dilemma, one can observe that Lithuania's foreign and domestic policy imbalances have greatly contributed to the country’s self-inflicted isolation and energy crisis. It creates the impression that diatribe on these issues by political parties, failure to recognize the critical energy situation by the Parliament, quest for quick personal gains, lack of attention to potential partners’ energy concerns, insufficient attention to international political and energy interests and associated manipulations, and failure to conclude with their partners binding agreements, pushed Lithuania's energy independence in the foreseeable future into serious doubt.
Energy availability in the future requires long term (30-50 years) strategic planning that is independent and isolated from interference by political parties or special interest groups who are primarily interested in short term gains. Currently proposed solutions by ENMIN appear to be mostly tactical decisions to initiate activities that would address short term problems, but not to resolve complex and long term issues. It is of utmost importance for vitally important long term energy problems to engage all parties interested in finding solutions in order to assure the object, on which consensus has been reached, the best possible environment to survive, as Russia is doing for the Kaliningrad and Belarusian NPPs.
For success, the decision maker needs to have a thorough and in depth understanding of all technical issues, because knowledge of just business or financial management is not sufficient to address all of the complexities and intricacies of the energy systems. Diminution of views of energy experts in important energy decisions and in many instances their replacement during reorganizations by individuals based on political party or family connections, threatens to reduce the competence needed to manage technical issues at many power generating and distribution facilities. Furthermore, management and distribution of financial resources without thorough appreciation of their effects either on the system or the various subsystems, exposes their functioning to severe disruptions and possible total collapse.
Shortly after closing the INPP first reactor, Lithuania had a relatively easy opportunity to resolve the energy problem in its favor. However, the delay for nearly four years to come to a decision helped Russia to turn around an unfavorable energy situation to its advantage. Current attempts to help remedy this unfortunate course of events are commendable, but might be too late, and most likely will lead to serious long term energy and economic consequences. Lithuania’s people are now burdened by very high electricity prices and will have to face not only their further escalation, but also uncertainty in continuous supply of electricity and natural gas unless alternative energy measures are vigorously pursued and implemented. If the nuclear option is to be selected, consensus by the people is essential, and Latvian and Estonian participation need to be assured by documented agreements. Assistance of EU would be of great value in persuading all of the neighbors that the new NPP would be a win-win situation for all in the long run. To overcome the small market dilemma of the Baltic countries and to maximize their power generation efficiency, it would be of substantial benefit to create a joint Baltic Energy Authority, similar to the Tennessee Valley Authority. Its responsibility, under an oversight committee of the tri-country governments, would be to negotiate the purchase and import of gas and electricity, provide advice on most efficient power generating methods and equipment for future needs, raise the needed financing, and to facilitate planning and organizing the construction of power plants at the regional level, including coordination of their operations and power distribution. Such joint activity would motivate the EU to support the quest of the Baltic States for energy security and reduce, if not nullify, their current vulnerability to Russia’s energy political power plays and price manipulations.
The president of Lithuania, Dalia Grybauskaite,
and president of the United States of America, Barack Obama.
USA's president, Barack Obama, visits Europe this week. Ireland, England, France and Poland are on his programmer on this trip to Europe, the 9th as U.S. president.
Obama's weeklong tour is all about tending to old friends in the Western alliance and securing their help with daunting challenges, from the political upheaval in the Mideast and North Africa to the protracted war in Afghanistan.
A priority for the president and his allies will be to more clearly define the West's role in promoting stability and democracy in the Arab world without being overly meddlesome and within tight financial limitations.
A highlight of Obama's opening stop in Ireland will be a pilgrimage to the hamlet of Moneygall, where Obama will explore his Irish roots. Fulmouth Kearney, who immigrated to the United States in 1850 at the age of 19, is the third great-grandfather of Obama on his white, Kansas-born mother's side. Obama, whose father was born in Kenya, will connect in Moneygall with distant relatives from the Irish branch of his family tree.
After his one day in Ireland, he will spend two in England, where he and first lady Michelle Obama will be treated to all the pomp and pageantry that the monarchy can muster for the president's first European state visit. The Obamas even get a Buckingham Palace sleepover.
Heather Conley, director of the Europe programme at the private Centre for Strategic and International Studies, said Obama's stop in Britain could help "put the 'special' back into the U.S.-U.K. special relationship."
In private, Obama and British Prime Minister David Cameron will plunge into the details of a host of international challenges on which the U.S. and Britain have worked together: Afghanistan, Libya, counterterrorism, the global economy and more.
Both leaders then scoot to a French summit of the Group of Eight industrialized nations, where the president hopes to build on momentum from his speech days ago about how best to promote stability and democracy in the Middle East.
Obama has called on the World Bank and International Monetary Fund to present the G-8 with an ambitious plan to help Egypt and Tunisia, in particular, recover from the disruptions caused by their democratic revolutions and prepare for elections later this year.
During his two-day stay in Deauville, France, Obama will take time for one-on-one meetings on the side of the G-8 with several world leaders, including Russian President Dmitry Medvedev and Japanese Prime Minister Naoto Kan.
Poland and Central Europe
Obama's visit to Poland is emblematic of a growing front in the administration's engagement in Europe, as the U.S. expands its economic and security relationship with Central European nations.
Obama will focus on energy cooperation, including shale gas development, when he visits NATO partner Poland for the first time, a US diplomat said last week in Warsaw.
"Energy is a pillar of Polish-American relations and it is sure to be the subject of discussions when President Obama visits Warsaw," US ambassador Lee Feinstein told delegates to a shale gas conference. Global fuel giants are exploring Poland's shale gas deposits, which a recent US study pegged as having a potential 5.3 trillion cubic metres of natural gas which could last some 300 years.
The U.S. has become a global leader in the production of natural gas extracted from shale, boosting its energy security, driving down prices and making it an exporter. Poland hopes it could reap similar benefits. However, experts insist that with exploration in the very early stages, it is too soon to gauge commercial viability.
Obama – Grybauskaite
In April 2010, Barack Obama and his Russian counterpart Dmitry Medvedev signed a new arms reduction treaty in Prague, primarily with regards to the Eastern European missile defence system that had been planned by the Bush administration,
After the signing, President Obama invited the presidents of Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Romania, as well as the prime ministers of Poland, Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia to attend a dinner with him in Prague.
Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaite openly disagreed with Obama on the new reduction plan, claiming it harmed Lithuanian security, and in perhaps the most shocking move refused to take part in the dinner in Prague. Grybauskaite was the only invited president who refused to meet with Obama.
Since becoming Lithuania's president in 2009, Grybauskaite has wasted no time defining her leadership. "Yes, you have to be a strict and loud partner if you want to be heard in the conversation," she told The Associated Press in an interview this winter.
"Lithuania is not used to a straightforward, terse, forceful way of making statements. I admit using this style in pushing NATO defense plans for the Baltic States," she said, referring to U.S. cables released by WikiLeaks earlier this year, showing that NATO in January 2010 privately decided to expand a NATO defense plan for Poland to also cover Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.
"I am afraid that if I had chosen a different tone, Lithuania and its neighbours would be still waiting another six years for these," she said to the Associated Press, giving herself credit for USA’s and NATO’s new strategy as revealed by WikiLeaks.
President Obama has invited the same state leaders for a dinner by the end of this week, now in Poland, and we understand that this time President Grybauskaite has accepted the invitation.
It still remains to see how President Grybauskaite’s ‘reflections’ vs. the Obama administration in 2010 and NATO now in 2011 are being treated and responded to by the said parties. We can only hope they are not given too much weight and that the relationships with Lithuania have not been harmed. Her acceptance of this year's invitation from Obama, and the absence of new provocative statements, suggest that she has adopted a more conciliatory and diplomatic style and line.
The right to disagree and discuss any topic should always remain free and open, but I think our president would be better off by following more recognized protocol procedures when such delicate issues are to be discussed at the highest international level.
To have a best possible relationship with the U.S. and the Obama administration is important for Lithuania, and one can only hope that his visit to Europe and Poland will come to represent a positive step towards improved dialogue and cooperation also between Lithuania and the United States.
Aage Myhre, Editor-In-Chief
In a meeting in Bydgoszcz , Poland, last week, the foreign ministers of France, Germany and Poland agreed to an ambitious programme that includes pushing for tougher sanctions against Belarus, and for the European Union to establish its own civil and military planning headquarters independent of NATO.
The Foreign Ministers Alain Juppé of France, Guido Westerwelle of Germany and Radek Sikorski of Poland interspersed bonhomie with frank talk, showing how much relations have improved among the countries, after a past based on enmity and distrust.
The ministers said a European should be the next managing director of the International Monetary Fund after the resignation of Dominique Strauss-Kahn.
They also agreed that President Barack Obama’s speech delivered on Thursday on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict showed a link between changes sweeping the Middle East and a resolution to that intractable problem.
“The United States cannot do it alone,” Mr. Juppé said. “Europe must help.”
Mr. Westerwelle said: “The peace process affects what is happening in the Middle East. And what is happening in the Middle East affects the peace process.”
In another meeting, now in Klainingrad, Mr. Sikorski and Mr. Westerwelle for the first time held a trilateral meeting with their Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov. The meeting in Kaliningrad was part of an effort by the three countries to work together over political, security, energy and visa issues, and was viewed as a significant improvement in relations between Germany, Poland and Russia.
The Weimar Triangle
The meeting in Bydgoszcz was held under the umbrella of the Weimar Triangle, named after the city of Weimar, a jewel of a cultural center in southeastern Germany. The group was set up 20 years ago at the initiative of the German government to foster a deep reconciliation with Poland akin to what France and Germany did after 1945.
Poland, set to take over the six-month rotating European Union presidency in June, is showing more self-confidence, evident in its influential voice regarding Russia, Ukraine and Belarus.
Mr. Sikorski and Mr. Westerwelle called unacceptable the recent crackdown and trials of opposition leaders in Belarus who held peaceful protests in December against the fraudulent presidential elections. Mr. Sikorski said Poland, France and Germany would press their E.U. partners in Brussels on Monday to impose tougher sanctions against the Belarussian leadership.
At the same time they would support as much as possible independent, democratic movements and organizations.
Poland already provides financial assistance to Belarussians studying in Poland because their political activities prevent their doing so at home. And Poland finances Belsat, the independent television station that is based in Warsaw and broadcasts news and current affairs into Belarus.
The three ministers also agreed that the European Union should have its own civil and military planning headquarters. When the idea was first presented by Germany, France, Belgium and Luxembourg in 2003, when all four countries opposed the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, it was staunchly rejected, not only by the United States but also by Poland and other East European countries.
Opponents of the idea said at the time that an E.U. planning headquarters would be a competitor to NATO and eventually would lead to the loosening of the trans-Atlantic alliance. Now, however, Poland increasingly sees Europe in need of a stronger security and defense policy, with its own civil and military planning headquarters, as the United States expects it to pull its weight in defense and security matters.
Meeting in Kaliningrad
Mr. Sikorski and Mr. Westerwelle travelled to the Russian exclave of Kaliningrad after the Bydgoszcz meeting, where for the first time they would hold a trilateral meeting with their Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov. The meeting in Kaliningrad was part of an effort by the three countries to work together over political, security, energy and visa issues, and was viewed as a significant improvement in relations between Germany, Poland and Russia.
Russia is seeking assurances from NATO that any missile defense system the military alliance deploys in Europe will not be directed against the country.
“We do not want any missiles aimed at Russia, and we want some kind of written guarantees from NATO that the missiles will not threaten Russia,” Lavrov, said after the talks.
“This is about cooperation, not confrontation, about discussing concrete projects,” Mr. Westerwelle told hundreds of students at Kant University who had gathered to question the three officials.
Russia has in the past threatened to place missiles in Kaliningrad — a small area with a population of nearly one million that is sandwiched between two European Union countries, Poland and Lithuania — in response to NATO’s plans to deploy part of its missile shield in Eastern Europe.
Shift in U.S. strategy
President Obama, who is to visit Poland next week, intends to deploy Patriot missiles there, but not the original missile shield system that the administration of President George W. Bush had promised to do. The Bush administration’s plans to place parts of the missile defense system in Poland and the Czech Republic, which were once part of the Soviet military alliance, led to a sharp deterioration of relations between Washington and Moscow. The Russian prime minister, Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, has said that such deployments would undermine Russia’s security.
Mr. Obama’s decision to shift strategy was not only because of the costs and the need to modify the scope of any missile defense system that would provide a much broader security umbrella over Europe. The administration said it also wanted to “reset” its relations with Russia.
During Saturday’s discussions, the ministers agreed that their meeting could evolve into something more permanent — like the Weimar Triangle, which the French, German and Polish foreign ministers set up 20 years ago after the reunification of Germany. The Weimar Triangle helped to lead to reconciliation between Poland and Germany, ending decades of enmity and distrust.
Mr. Lavrov acknowledged that Russia could not ignore Poland’s new role on the Continent, now that it is a member of the European Union and it is scheduled to take over the rotating EU presidency the 1st of July.
The three officials also discussed Belarus. Poland and Germany, with support from France, want European foreign ministers to impose more sanctions against Belarus. The sanctions, already imposed on the top leadership, could be extended to some enterprise managers. At the same time, Poland and Germany intend to strengthen their ties to civil society and the democratic opposition.
Russia, however, said it opposed more sanctions. “This will only lead to further isolation,” Mr. Lavrov said. “That will do nothing to help the way towards direction.”
VilNews e-magazine is published in Vilnius, Lithuania. Editor-in-Chief: Mr. Aage Myhre. Inquires to the editors: editor@VilNews.com.
Code of Ethics: See Section 2 – about VilNews. VilNews is not responsible for content on external links/web pages.
HOW TO ADVERTISE IN VILNEWS.
All content is copyrighted © 2011. UAB ‘VilNews’.