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The Polish-Lithuanian

War 1919-1920

Part 2 of 4 - ADVANCES and RETREATS

The Battle of the Niemen River was the second-greatest battle of the Polish-Soviet War. It took place near the Neman River between the cities of Suwałki, Grodno and Białystok in today’s Poland and Belarus.

Su pagarbe Vincas Karnila, Associate editor
vin.karnila@VilNews.com

DIPLOMATIC DEVELOPMENTS

In April 1920 Poland launched the large-scale Kiev Offensive in hopes to capture Ukraine. Initially successful, the Polish Army started retreating after Russian counterattacks in early June 1920. Soon the Soviet forces began to threaten Poland's independence as they reached and crossed the Polish borders. On July 9, Polish Prime Minister Wladyslaw Grabski asked the Allied Powers in the Spa Conference (The Spa Conference was a meeting between the Supreme War Council and Weimar Republic in Spa, Belgium on 5–16 July 1920).

Wladyslaw Grabski

It was the first post-war conference to include German representatives. The attendees included British and French Prime Ministers Lloyd George and Alexandre Millerand, German Chancellor Constatin Fehrenbach. The Conference mainly discussed disarmament of Germany and war reparations required by the Treaty of Versailles) for military assistance in the war with the Soviets. The conference proposed that the Polish forces would withdraw behind the Curzon Line, the Soviet forces would stop 50 km (31 mi) to the east of the line, the Lithuanian forces would take control of Vilnius, and all other disputes would be settled via negotiations in London. Grabski opposed the transfer of Vilnius, but under pressure of British Prime Minister Lloyd George, agreed to the resolution on July 10.

Advance of Soviet forces (red arrows) against Polish troops in June–August 1920

At the same time the Soviets and Lithuania negotiated the Soviet–Lithuanian Peace Treaty, which was signed on July 12, 1920. Russia recognized Lithuanian independence and withdrew any territorial claims. The treaty drew the eastern border of Lithuania, which the Lithuanians continued to claim as their de jure state border until World War II. The Vilnius Region, including Braslau, Hrodna, Lida and Vilnius, was recognized to Lithuania. On August 6, after long and heated negotiations, Lithuania and Soviet Russia signed a convention regarding withdrawal of Russian troops from the recognized Lithuanian territory. However, the troops began to retreat only after the Red Army suffered a heavy defeat in Poland.

TERRITORIAL CHANGES

The Bolshevik forces reached the Lithuanian territory on July 7, 1920, and continued to push back the Polish troops and subsequently the Lithuanian Army moved to secure territories abandoned by the retreating Polish forces. They took Turmantas on July 7, Tauragnai and Alanta on July 9, Širvintos and Musninkai on July 10, Kernavė, Molėtai and Giedraičiai on July 11, Maišiagala and Pabradė on July 13. On July 13 the Polish command decided to transfer Vilnius to the Lithuanians in accordance with the resolution of the Spa Conference. Lithuanians tried to move in but their trains were stopped by Polish soldiers near Kazimieriškės. This delay meant that the Bolsheviks were the first to enter Vilnius on July 14. By the time the first Lithuanian troops entered the city on July 15, it was already secured by the Soviets. Poland sought to have Russians in the city as it would create much less complications when Polish Army counterattacked. Despite the Peace Treaty, the Soviets did not intend to transfer the city to the Lithuanians. Indeed there were indications that the Soviets planned a coup against the Lithuanian government in hopes to establish the Lithuanian SSR (Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic)

Despite the setback in Vilnius, the Lithuanians continued to secure territories in the Suwałki Region. Lithuanian forces took Druskininkai on July 17, Vištytis, Punsk, Giby, and Sejny on July 19, Suwałki on July 29 and Augustów on August 8. The Polish units, afraid of being surrounded and cut off from the main Polish forces, retreated towards Lomza. The Lithuanian authorities started to organize themselves in the regained areas.

LITHUANIAN NEUTRALITY

Poland claimed that Lithuania violated its claim to neutrality in the Polish–Soviet War and in effect became a Soviet ally. A secret clause of the Soviet–Lithuanian Peace Treaty allowed Soviet forces unrestricted movement within the Soviet-recognized Lithuanian territory for the duration of Soviet hostilities with Poland. This clause was more of a practical matter since Soviet troops already occupied much of the assigned territory and could not and would not withdraw while hostilities with Poland continued. Lithuanians were also simply unable to resist the Soviets and their troops. For example, when Lithuanians refused a permission to use a road, the Soviets ignored Lithuanian protests and transported their troops and equipment regardless. At the same time Polish soldiers were disarmed and interned bt Lithuania. The largest group, a brigade under colonel Pasławski, was interned on July 18, 1920, near Kruonis. On August 10, Lithuanians held 103 Polish officers and 3,520 private soldiers. Poland also claimed that the Lithuanian troops actively participated in military operations of the Red Army. This charge, based on memoirs of Soviet officials, lacks evidence. Further military clashes between Polish and Lithuanian troops in the Suwałki Region were interpreted by Poland to show that "the Lithuanian government has become an instrument of the Soviet government." Lithuania responded that it was defending its borders.

AUGUST to OCTOBER 1920 – STRUGGLES FOR THE SUWALKI REGION

POLISH ADAVANCE AND SOVIETS RETREAT

The Russians suffered a great defeat AT the Battle of Warsaw in mid-August 1920 and started withdrawing. They handed over Vilnius to the Lithuanians on August 26. The Lithuanians hastily made preparations to secure the border, as determined by the Soviet–Lithuanian Peace Treaty. The soldiers were ordered to maintain neutrality: avoid hostilities and intern any Soviet or Polish troops that would cross the border. On August 26, a Polish delegation, led by colonel Mieczyslaw Mackiewicz, arrived in Kaunas to negotiate the situation. The Poles, lacking authority to discuss political issues, were concerned with military aspects.

They sought permission to transport Polish troops through the territory of Lithuania, wanted access to a portion of the Warsaw–Saint Petersburg Railway and demanded that the Lithuanian troops would withdraw from the Suwałki Region behind the Curzon Line. The Lithuanians refused to discuss military matters without a clear political Polish–Lithuanian border that would be respected after the war. Due to these fundamental disagreements and Polish attacks, the negotiations broke down on August 30.

Map of the Suwałki Region. Its many forests and lakes complicated the military actions.

The Suwałki Region had strategic importance in the Polish–Soviet War. Following orders of Edward Rydz-Śmigły, Polish forces took Augustów from Lithuanians in a surprise attack on August 28. Confused and disoriented Lithuanians retreated from Suwałki and Sejny on August 30 and 31. The Lithuanians reorganized, gathered their forces (11 battalions with 7,000 soldiers) and organized a counterattack to "defend their border" on September 2. The goal was to take and secure the Augustów–Lipsk-Hrodna line. The Lithuanians succeeded in taking Sejny and Lipsk and by September 4 reached the outskirts of Augustów. On September 5, the Poles counterattacked and forced the Lithuanians to retreat. On September 9, the Polish forces recaptured Sejny but the Lithuanians pushed back and regained Sejny and Giby on September 13 and 14. Pending direct negotiations, hostilities were ceased on both sides.

 DIRECT NEGOTIATIONS and the LEAGUE OF NATIONS

On September 6, Lithuanian Foreign Minister Juozas Purickis proposed direct negotiations in Marijampolė. On September 8, during a planning meeting of the Battle of the Niemen River, the Poles decided to maneuver through the Lithuanian territory to the rear of the Soviet Army, stationed in Hrodna In an attempt to conceal the planned attack, Polish diplomats accepted the proposal to negotiate. The negotiations started on September 16 in Kalvarija but collapsed just two days later.

Juozas Purickis

On September 5, 1920, Polish Foreign Minister Eustachy Sapieha delivered a diplomatic note to the League of Nations alleging that Lithuania violated its neutrality and asking to intervene in the Polish–Lithuanian War.

Eustachy Sapieha

The League agreed to mediate and began its session on September 16. The resolution, adopted on September 20, urged both states to cease hostilities and adhere to the Curzon Line. Poland was asked to respect Lithuanian neutrality if Soviet Russia agreed to do the same. Also a special Control Commission was to be dispatched into the conflict zone to oversee implementation of the resolution. It was clear that the League had only a narrow goal to prevent armed hostilities and not to resolve the underlying territorial dispute. The Lithuanian government accepted the resolution, while Poland reserved full freedom of action in preparation for the attack on the Soviets.

BATTLE of the NIEMAN RIVER

On September 22, 1920, Poland attacked Lithuanian units in the Suwałki Region on a wide front. Overwhelmed by 4–5 times larger enemy forces, some 1,700–2,000 Lithuanian troops surrendered and were taken prisoners. Polish forces then marched, as planned on September 8, across the Neman River near Druskininkai and Merkinė to the rear of the Soviet forces near Hrodna and Lida. The Red Army hastily retreated. The Lithuanians had limited intelligence warnings about such attack and as a result chose an inadequate defensive strategy and spread their forces too thinly along the entire Polish–Lithuanian front without sufficient forces to protect bridges across the Neman.

Map of the Battle of the Niemen river. Polish forces maneuvered through the Lithuanian territory (front line in red) to the rear of Soviet troops despite the resolution by the League of Nations to cease hostilities

This attack, just two days after the resolution by the League of Nations to cease hostilities, put more pressure on Poland to settle the dispute peacefully. On September 26, Poles captured Hrodna and Polish Foreign Minister Sapieha proposed new negotiations in Suwałki. The Battle of the Niemen River drastically altered the balance of power. Vilnius, in Lithuanian hands since August 26, was exposed to a Polish attack. Indeed Poles had already decided to capture the city and used the negotiations in Suwałki to stall and buy time for necessary preparations. The Lithuanian side was ready to give up the Suwałki Region in exchange for Poland's recognition of the Lithuanian claims to Vilnius.

SUWALKI AGREEMENT

The negotiations between Poles, led by colonel Mieczyslaw Mackiewicz and Lithuanians led by general Maksimas Katche, began in the evening of September 29, 1920. Both sides agreed to an armistice, but only to the east of the Neman River (the Suwałki Region).

Maksimas Katche

Fighting to the west on the river continued around Marcinkonys, Zervynos, Perloja and Eišiškės. A major point of contention, both diplomatic and military, was the train station in rėna (Orany) on the Warsaw – Saint Petersburg Railway. Major Lithuanian forces were still concentrated in the Suwałki Region and moving them to protect Vilnius without the railway would be extremely difficult. Fighting west of the Neman River ceased only on October 6, when Polish troops had already captured the train station in Varėna.

Selected demarcation lines between Poland and Lithuania. Line drawn by the Suwałki Agreement is in yellow; the final interwar border is in orange. The current borders of Lithuania, Poland and Balta Rusija that were established after the Second World War are indicated by the purple lines

Negotiations regarding the demarcation line were difficult. In essence, the Lithuanians wanted a longer demarcation line to provide better protection for Vilnius. The Poles agreed only to a short line in order to provide the planned attack on Vilnius with space for operation. The Polish delegation was also stalling to buy time for necessary preparations for an attack on Vilnius. While Vilnius was not a topic of debate, it was on everybody's mind. On October 4, the Control Commission, sent by the League according to its resolution of September 20, arrived to Suwałki. The Commission, led by French colonel Pierre Chardigny, re-energized the negotiations. On October 7, at midnight, the final agreement was signed. The treaty made not a single reference to Vilnius or the Vilnius Region. The ceasefire was effective only along the demarcation line, which ran through the Suwałki Region to the train station in Bastuny. Thus the line was incomplete, did not provide protection to the Vilnius Region, but indicated it would be left on the Lithuanian side.

In Part 3

OCTOBER to NOVEMBER 1920 – STRUGGLES for the VILNIUS REGION

Introduction
As usually happens, the end of one hostility often results in the beginning of other hostilities. This was the case between Lithuania and Poland after the end of the First World War. With both countries in a state of war with Bolshevik Russia, defending themselves against Russia’s attempt to recapture and occupy the two countries that had just recently regained their independence, this helped to set the stage for armed conflict between the two neighbors. This combined with one country’s plan to control part of Europe, claims to land based on its population and the continued “carving up” of smaller countries by larger countries all helped to create what was known as the Polish – Lithuanian War which resulted in Lithuania losing its capital of Vilnius and other parts of its country to Polish occupation during the interim war period.

Dear readers we would like to invite you review this series which will offer insight as to what led to the conflict, the reasons and justifications, the participants, the areas of action and some of the key events. As always we warmly welcome any additional information and any comments you would like to share.

Su pagarbe Vincas Karnila, Associate editor
vin.karnila@VilNews.com

Part 1 of 4 - THE BUILD UP

MILITARY DEVELOPMENTS

World War I ended on November 11, 1918 when Germany signed the Compiègne Armistice. On November 13, Soviet Russia renounced the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (After signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk March 3 1918, Bolshevik Russia lost the European lands it annexed in the 18th century and 19th century. Most of today's Poland, Belarus, Ukraine and the Baltic States were passed to the government of Germany, which in turn decided to grant these states limited independence as buffer states) and began the Soviet westward offensive of 1918–1919. The Bolsheviks followed retreating German troops and attacked Lithuania and Poland from the east trying to prevent their independence. They attempted to spread the global proletarian revolution, establish Soviet republics in the region, and join the German and the Hungarian Revolutions. The Soviet offensive sparked a series of local wars, including the Polish–Soviet War and the Lithuanian–Soviet War. At first the Soviets were successful, but came to a halt in February 1919. In March–April both Lithuanians and Poles began their offensives against the Soviets. The three armies met in the Vilnius Region. The Polish–Lithuanian relations were not immediately hostile, but grew worse as each side refused to compromise. On April 19, 1919, the Polish Army captured Vilnius.

The advance of Polish (blue arrows), Lithuanian/German (dark purple arrows) against the Soviet forces in early 1919. The blue line shows the Polish front in May 1920. The red line shows the Soviet front in February 1919

At first, both Poles and Lithuanians cooperated in their offensive against the Soviets, but soon the cooperation gave way to increasing hostility. Lithuania claimed neutrality in the Polish–Soviet War. As the Polish Army forced its way further into Lithuania, the first clashes between Polish and Lithuanian soldiers occurred on April 26 and May 8, 1919, near the village of Vievis. Though there was no formal state of war and few casualties, by July newspapers reported increasing clashes between Poles and Lithuanians, primarily around the towns of Merkinė and Širvintos. Direct negotiations in Kaunas between May 28 and June 11, 1919, collapsed as neither side agreed to compromise. Lithuania tried to avoid direct military conflict and submitted its case for mediation to the Conference of Ambassadors (The Conference was formed to enforce peace treaties and to mediate various territorial disputes among European states. The Conference consisted of ambassadors of Great Britain, Italy, and Japan accredited in Paris and the French minister of foreign affairs. The ambassador of the United States attended as an observer because the U.S. was not an official party to the Treaty of Versailles).

DIPLOMATIC DEVELOPMENTS

Poland did not recognize the independence of Lithuania as Polish leader Józef Piłsudski hoped to revive the old Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and campaigned for some kind of Polish–Lithuanian union in the Paris Peace Conference. Poland also did not intend to make any territorial concessions, justifying its actions not only as part of a military campaign against the Soviets but also as the right of self-determination of local Poles. According to the 1897 Russian census, the disputed city of Vilnius had an ethnic breakdown of 30% Poles, 40% Jews, and 2% Lithuanians; however the percentage of Lithuanians was much higher in the surrounding countryside. According to the 1916 German census, Poles constituted 50% of city's population. The Lithuanians claimed Vilnius as their historical capital and refused any federation with Poland, desiring an independent Lithuanian state.

Józef Piłsudski

They regarded Polish federalism as recreation of Polish cultural and political dominance. The Lithuanian government in Kaunas, designated as the temporary capital, saw the Polish presence in Vilnius as an occupation. In addition to the Vilnius Region, the Suwałki Region was also disputed due to the fact it had a mixed Polish and Lithuanian population. In effect what Poland was saying was that if many Poles lived in an area, the area should be/is a part of Poland regardless of the fact that the area was in another country.

At the time the international situations of newly independent Poland and Lithuania were unequal. Poland, much larger in territory and population, was dedicated point 13 in Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points (The Fourteen Points was a speech given by United States President Woodrow Wilson to a joint session of Congress on January 8, 1918. The address was intended to assure the country that the Great War was being fought for a moral cause and for postwar peace in Europe. Point 13 was – “An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant”).

Poland was recognized by all nations of the Entente, officially invited to the Paris Peace Conference and became one of the founding members of the League of Nations. Poland also enjoyed a close alliance with France. Lithuania did not receive international recognition (it was first recognized formally in July 1920 by Soviet Russia) as the Entente hoped to revive the Russian Empire within its former territory, which included Lithuania. Lithuania was not invited to any post-war diplomatic conferences. It also had to battle negative propaganda that the Council of Lithuania was a German puppet, that Lithuanians harbored pro-Bolshevik attitudes or that Lithuania was too small and weak to survive without a union with Poland.

MAY to SEPTEMBER 1919 – RISING TENSIONS

DEMARCATION LINES

Map of demarcation lines of June 18 (light green) and July 26 (dark green) between Poland and Lithuania. Poland ignored both lines and continued to advance up to the orange line. Railroads are marked by black stitched lines.

The Conference of Ambassadors drew the first demarcation line on June 18. The line, drawn about 5 km (3.1 mi) west of the Warsaw – Saint Petersburg Railway, was based on the military situation on the ground at that time rather than ethnic composition. Neither Poles nor Lithuanians were content with the line. The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs rejected the line as it would require the Polish forces to retreat up to 35 km (22 mi). The Lithuanians protested leaving Vilnius and Hronda under Polish control. As German volunteers were departing from Lithuania and Lithuanian forces were preoccupied with battles against the Soviets in northern Lithuania, Poland mounted an offensive on a 100 km (62 mi) wide front moving 20–30 km (12–19 mi) deeper into the Lithuanian territory and Lithuania could not organize an effective defense to counteract this offensive.

Ferdinand Foch

On July 18, Ferdinand Foch proposed the second demarcation line, known as the Foch Line. It was approved by the Entente on July 26. The Lithuanians were informed about the new line only on August 3. Two major modifications favorable to the Poles were made: the Suwałki Region was assigned to Poland and the entire line was moved about 7 km (4.3 mi) west. Again, both Poles and Lithuanians protested the line as it would require them to withdraw their armies from the Vilnius and Suwałki Regions respectively. The German administration, which had not yet retreated from the Suwałki Region, also opposed the Foch Line. The new line did not immediately halt the hostilities. After a couple of Polish attacks on July 29 and August 2, the front stabilized.

THE SEJNY UPRISING

The Lithuanians obeyed the Foch Line and retreated from Suwałki on August 7, 1919. However, they stopped in ethnically mixed Sejny and formed a line on the Czarna Hancza river – Wigry Lake. They showed their intention to stay there permanently, which caused concern among the local Poles. On August 12, the Poles of that area organized a rally of about 100 people demanding incorporation into Poland. The Sejny branch of Polish Military Organization (PMO) began preparing for an uprising, scheduled for the night of August 22 to 23, 1919 and between 900 and 1,200 partisans joined PMO forces. On August 23, the Poles captured Sejny and attacked the towns of Lazdijai and Kapčiamiestis on the Lithuanian side of the Foch Line. The insurgents planned to march as far as Simnas (located 23 km  west of Alytus). Lithuanians recaptured Sejny on August 25 for a few hours. On August 26, Polish regular forces – the 41st Infantry Regiment – joined the PMO volunteers. On September 5, the Lithuanians agreed to withdraw behind the Foch Line by September 7. Poland secured Sejny and repressed Lithuanian cultural life: the Sejny Priest Seminary was expelled, Lithuanian schools and cultural organizations closed. After the uprising, the mistrust of Poles prompted Lithuanian intelligence to intensify its investigations of Polish activities in Lithuania. This helped to detect and prevent a planned coup d'état in Kaunas to overthrow the government of Lithuania.

Polish cavalry parade in Sejny

THE PLOISH COUP ATTEMPT

Sometime in mid-July 1919, PMO forces in Vilnius began planning a coup to replace the Lithuanian government with a pro-Polish cabinet, which would agree to a union with Poland of the proposed Miedzymorzr federation, also known as Intermarium was a plan, pursued by Polish leader Jozef Pilsudski, for a federation, under Poland's control of Central and Eastern European countries, invited to join the proposed federation were the Baltic states of Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, Belarus, Ukraine, Hungary, Romania, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovalia. The proposed federation was meant to emulate the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea that, from the end of the 16th century to the end of the 18th, had united the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Intermarium complemented Piłsudski's other geopolitical vision of Prometheism, whose goal was the dismemberment of the Russian Empire and that Empire's divestment of its territorial conquests into Polish control. Intermarium was, however, perceived by some Lithuanians as a threat to their newly established independence, and by some Ukrainians as a threat to their aspirations for independence and was opposed by most Western powers.

Leon Wasilewski

Polish leader Jozeph Pilsudski believed there were enough Polish sympathizers in Lithuania to carry out the coup. On August 3, a Polish diplomatic mission led by Leon Wasilewski, in Kaunas had a double purpose: propose a plebiscite (common people’s law) in the contested territories and assess preparedness for the coup. On August 6, the Lithuanian government rejected the plebiscite proposal, stating that the disputed territories constitute ethnographic Lithuania. PMO planned to capture and hold Kaunas for a few hours until arrival of the regular Polish troops, situated only some 40–50 km (25–31 mi) east from the city. The coup would be portrayed as an initiative of the local population to "free Lithuania from German influence" while denouncing any involvement of the Polish government. Polish newspapers ran a propaganda campaign claiming that the Council of Lithuania was simply a German puppet. The coup was initially scheduled for the night of August 27 to 28, but was postponed to September 1. Lithuanian intelligence discovered the coup, but did not have a list of PMO members. Lithuanian authorities began mass arrests of some 200 Polish activists, including some officers of the Lithuanian Army. Kaunas was declared under a state of siege. Polish press saw the mass arrests of Polish activists "to whom no charge can be ascribed other than being Poles" as proof of systematic anti-Polish policies of the German-ridden Lithuanian government”. PMO was little affected by the arrests and scheduled another coup attempt for the end of September. However, Lithuanians obtained a full PMO membership list and liquidated the organization in Lithuania.

SEPTEMBER 1919 to JUNE 1920 - MORE POLISH ATTACKS

After the failure of the coup in Kaunas there were numerous incidents. On September 19, 1919, Polish troops attacked Gelvonai and continued towards Ukmergė. On several occasions fights broke out regarding a strategically important bridge over the Šventoji River near Verpriai.  In October, when the main Lithuanian forces were deployed against the Bermontians (The West Russian Volunteer Army or Bermontians was an army in the Baltic provinces of the former Russian Empire during the Russian Civil War of 1918-1920) in northwestern Lithuania, the attacks intensified and Poles captured Salakas on October 5 and attacked Kapčiamiestis on October 12. The front stabilized, but harassment of border guards and local villagers continued throughout late 1919 and early 1920. In March 1920, the Poles attacked along the railroad stations in Kalkūni and Turmantas. The situation was investigated by British and French observers and reported to the Entente. The situation somewhat improved only in late spring of 1920 when most Polish troops were deployed to Ukraine during the Polish–Soviet War.

At the time Lithuania faced a severe budget crisis – in 1919 its revenue was 72 million while expenses reached 190 million German marks. While the government was struggling to obtain financial assistance and loans, deep cuts affected the army. Instead of increasing its armed forces to 40,000 men, Lithuania was forced to cut them to about 25,000.

In part 2 of 4 - ADAVANCES and RETEATS