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THE VOICE OF INTERNATIONAL LITHUANIA

16 June 2025
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Lithuania worst at integrating immigrants

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According to a report by the British Council and the Migration Policy Group, Lithuania has USA/Europe’s worst policies in dealing with the challenges of integrating immigrants

The study, published by the British Council and the Migration Policy Group, ranked 31 countries in Europe and North America on their policies towards integrating immigrants.
Using a variety of different critiera, including employment opportunities, access to education and anti-discrimination legislation, experts from all around the world scored countries on how well their policies fitted with international standards upheld by the EU.
According to the report, Sweden is on top. The other four highest-ranking countries were Portugal, Canada, Finland and the Netherlands, while the bottom five were Lithuania, Malta, Slovakia, Cyprus and Latvia. The UK was ranked in 12th position, equal with Germany, while the US was ranked in 9th place. Overall, within Europe and North America there was significant disparity, with Sweden being given a score of 83 points out of 100 for its policies, and Lithuania only 31 points.
Thomas Huddleston, an analyst at the Migration Policy Group, said that although many countries still needed to work on their immigration policies, the report showed a “slow but steady” improvement since the last time the report was published in 2007. On average, countries had moved up by one point, with some countries, such as Greece, improving by as much as 10 points. Some countries, however, were scored lower than in the 2007 report: including Italy, which dropped one point, and the UK, which dropped 10 points, the biggest decrease of any country.

Category : News

Vytautas Sliupas (80) and his farm project in Northern Lithuania

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Vytautas J. Sliupas at the farm and farm project he founded in 2002, 
‘The Auksuciai Farm & Forest Center’ near Siaulia in Northern Lithuania.

 

After the death of his wife Liudvika, Jonas Sliupas married Grasilda Grauslytė in 1929. After settling in Palanga, their son, Vytautas, was born to them on the 24th of October 1930.

Their son, Vytautas J. Sliupas, later became an irrigation, drainage and water resources engineer. Now retired for many years, he lives in California, USA, but visits Lithuania every summer.

I have the great honour and pleasure to call Vytautas Sliupas my friend. As I understand and feel it, he has the same strong love of Lithuania, which his father had. This despite the fact that he was forced to flee from Lithuania with his parents in 1944 and since has lived virtually all his life in the United States. 

 

Vytautas Sliupas’ farm project in Northern Lithuania

www.aukfoundation.org

The US non-profit Auksuciai Foundation was established to help small scale Lithuanian farmers become more self-sufficient and competitive in a free market economy. A primary way that Foundation is working to achieve this goal is through support and advisory involvement with a model farm facility (the Auksuciai Farm and Forest Center, a Lithuanian non-profit), that allows participants from academia, business, government, and the farm community to share information and technology regarding environmentally sound management (including forests) and commercial agricultural production practices. Additionally, the Foundation organizes farmer-to-farmer and agricultural student exchanges; farmer mentoring; and in country workshops between the agricultural and forest communities of the U.S. and Lithuania.

The Auksuciai Farm & Forest Center was formally established as a Lithuanian non- profit entity on 9 September 2002.The primary purpose of the centre is to provide Lithuanian farmers with educational and technological opportunities through an aggressive program of local applied research and education. It also serves as a stimulus and facilitator for the incorporation of new technologies in modern agriculture.

The centre is located on a 157-hectare (389-acre) farm near the town of Kursenai in the Siauliai Region in north Lithuania. At this site a year long programme of research on new crops, improvement of existing crops and improved farming practices is conducted by staff. The farm is operated under master lease and use agreement with the Auksuciai Foundation-USA. The operations of the farm are divided into two divisions- Farm Operations and Research and Education programs. Though most of the farming operations are leased out for income purposes it also is used as a large scale demonstration of new and modern farming technologies. The Research and Education division comprises smaller areas of the farm where research on new crops and technologies are conduced under strict scientific procedures. All information generated from the research projects is considered public information and is available at no charge to local farmers and other interested individuals.

One of the latest successful achievements of the farm is the introduction of edible asparagus (smidrai in Lithuanian).  Lithuanians long ago knew this very useful vegetable, but during the last century it was forgotten.  Now the farm is reintroducing this crop as a very profitable commodity that can be grown by small scale Lithuanian farmers.  The farm have plans of greatly expanding this, and other experimental crops, but unfortunately in the last several years the farm’s supporters have decreased considerably due to the world economic crisis, hence Mr. Sliupas and his team are now at the point where they look for new supporters and investors

 

Aage Myhre

Editor

 

Mr. Vytautas Sliupas can be reached at sliupasvyt@sbcglobal.net

The Auksuciai Farm & Forest Center

Category : The world in Lithuania

The man who declined the presidency

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image001

Dr. Jonas Sliupas (1861 – 1944) 

 The year is 1926. It is a very dark late autumn evening in Kaunas, Lithuania's capital between 1st and 2nd World Wars, when three officers from the Lithuanian army rush up to the house where Dr. Jonas Sliupas now lives while he teaches at the University of Kaunas. It is nearly midnight when the officers knock heavily on his door and asks to come inside.

The officers bring shocking news. They tell that since the early autumn of 1926 key officers within two army groups have been in full swing of planning a coup d’état in Lithuania, and that they have now reached the point that they want to depose of President Kazys Grinius and insert a new President. The question to Dr. Sliupas is therefore whether he can accept becoming the country's new President.

But Dr. Sliupas is not willing to accept. President Grinius has been his good friend for many years, and Sliupas is puzzled as to why the military has found a coup appropriate and necessary. His answer to the officers is therefore that the only way he could accept becoming President of Lithuania would be through a democratic election.

The officers had to leave Sliupas empty-handed that night, but continued their plans, and the very coup took place a few days later, during the very night when the 60th birthday of President Grinius was celebrated, 17 December 1926.

During that night, military forces occupied central military and government offices and arrested officials. Colonel Kazys Škirpa, who had initiated a military reform programme tried to rally troops against the coup, but was soon overpowered and arrested. The Seimas (Parliament) was dispersed and President Grinius was placed under house arrest at the same time as army colonel Povilas Plechavičius was declared dictator of Lithuania just minutes after he had been released from the prison cell where he was serving a 20-day sentence for a fist fight with another officer.

Later that same day, however, Colonel Plechavičius asked Antanas Smetona to become the new President of Lithuania.

The 1926 Lithuanian coup d'état (Lithuanian: 1926-ųjų perversmas) was a military coup that resulted in the replacement of the democratically elected government with a conservative authoritarian government led by Antanas Smetona.

 

image002

 

TO THE PUBLIC

 

      Lithuanian army, which sacrificed lives for dear Lithuania and is still ready to spill blood for its independence, seeing that the current Seimas and government are selling Lithuania to Bolsheviks and foreigners decided to temporarily take the power in its hands so that the power could be transferred as soon as possible to real sons of Lithuania. MARTIAL LAW IS DECLARED IN THE ENTIRE COUNTRY, and siege law in KAUNAS.

        Everybody is commanded to go about their duties; those who will not do their duties will be tried in military tribunal.

 

TEMPORARY WAR GOVERNMENT

 

 

A pamphlet distributed in Kaunas following the coup declared martial law and commanded everyone to go about their daily duties. It was signed by the Temporary War Government.

 

One can rightly ask what kind of Lithuania we would have had if Dr. Jonas Sliupas had not declined the Presidency that late autumn night. But in view of his human qualities and his extraordinary life story from both the United States and Lithuania, it is no wonder that this honourable man declined the Presidency and instead chose to continue his tireless fight for his beloved homeland, with important titles and tasks in the years leading up to World War II, but not as the country's top figure as the country's military leaders had wanted.

During his remarkably productive lifetime, Jonas Sliupas was a medical doctor, a leader of Lithuania's national awakening, a powerful orator and organizer, a writer of numerous articles on Lithuanian politics, economy, culture, and medicine, a historian, a diplomat, a free-thinker, and a publisher of seven newspapers.  He also served as the author or translator of over 70 books and was a pioneer in helping develop and modernize Lithuania's economy.

Jonas Sliupas was born on the 6th of March 1861 in the village of Rakandziai in northern Lithuania.  In 1880, he graduated with honours from Mintauja (Jelgava) high school.  Next, he studied philology and law at Moscow University and later transferred to Saint Petersburg University to study natural science.  Because of his participation in the student anti-czarist movement, however, Sliupas was incarcerated in 1883 and was banned from further studies at any Russian university.

The Russian government banned all books and newspapers in the Latin alphabet in Lithuania from 1864 to 1904.  Consequently, Sliupas joined with others to publish an underground Lithuanian language nationalist newspaper, which was smuggled into Lithuania from outside.  Together with Dr. J. Basanavicius and three other idealists, Sliupas published and edited the clandestine newspaper Ausra (Dawn) in Lithuania Minor from 1883 to 1884.  Ausra, whose very name was suggested by Sliupas, is considered to be the driving force behind the Lithuanian nationalist awakening of the late nineteenth century.

Because of his ongoing nationalist activities, both Prussian and Russian police began pursuing him.  Facing imminent arrest, Sliupas had to flee to the United States in 1884, where he would remain until 1918.  He began studying at the University of Maryland in Baltimore in 1889 and graduated with a degree in medicine in 1891.

Dr. Sliupas was very active among Lithuanian-American immigrants, helping inspire in them a deep sense of national pride in their ancestral homeland.  Although he was a free-thinker, he nevertheless helped establish several Lithuanian Roman Catholic parishes.  He also invited Lithuanian priests to the Unites States and worked with them to promote a strong sense of Lithuanian ethnic and cultural identity among the parishioners.  Being a powerful, inspiring, and uncompromising orator, Sliupas travelled extensively throughout the United States, delivering rousing speeches in which he urged Lithuanian Americans to unite in order to help Lithuania regain its independence.

Sliupas also edited newspapers and wrote or translated numerous books.  Fluent in eight languages, he wrote thousands of articles both about Lithuania itself and about various medical topics for Lithuanian, American, Polish, German, Swedish, British, French and Russian newspapers.  He also helped dozens of Lithuanian-American societies, several of which still are in existence today.

During World War I, Sliupas vigorously lobbied the United States government for diplomatic recognition an economic support for Lithuania. Having established a personal friendship with U.S. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, head of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Sliupas campaigned tirelessly in Washington D.C. for Lithuanian and Latvian independence.  In 1918, Sliupas opened the first Lithuanian Legation in London.  Then, in 1919, he was with the Lithuanian independence movement at the Paris Peace Conference.  After returning to Lithuania, in 1919, he was appointed the first envoy to Latvia and Estonia.

Between 1921 and 1924, Dr. Sliupas taught hygiene and medical history at Birzai and Siauliai high schools.  From 1925 to 1929, he lectured at the University of Lithuania in Kaunas.  He also worked diligently to encourage investment in Lithuania's economy by investing much of his own savings in the country's economic development.  Sliupas was the first mayor of the sea-side resort of Palanga, and he continued intermittently in this position from 1933 until Soviet occupation began in 1940.  During June of 1941, he again resumed the role of mayor but was forced by the Germans to resign, because of his attempts to protect Jewish residents of the city.

Dr. Jonas Sliupas died in exile in Berlin, Germany on the 6th of November 1944.

Surviving family members transported his ashes to the United States, where they are buried in the Lithuanian National Cemetery near Chicago, Illinois.

Dr. Jonas Sliupas has been recognized numerous times for his life-long dedication to Lithuania's nationalist awakening and its restoration of independence.  Among many other honours, Sliupas received three Honorary Doctorates from the University of Vytautas the Great in Kaunas.  These include a doctorate in Medicine (1923), one in Humanities (1925), and one in Law (1939).  Many organizations, both in Lithuania and in the United States, have declared him an honorary member.  The Lithuanian government bestowed upon Sliupas the Gediminas First and Second Order medals.  The Latvian government honoured him with the Three Star Second and Third Order medals, and the Lithuanian Post Office issued two stamps in his honour.

Jonas Sliupas will be celebrated as one of Lithuania’s true heroes and finest gentlemen ever, with an amazing record of achievements for his beloved homeland.

LITUANUS

LITHUANIAN QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES
 

Volume 37, No.1 - Spring 1991
Editor of this issue: Antanas Klimas, University of Rochester

ISSN 0024-5089
Copyright © 1990 LITUANUS Foundation, Inc.

Lituanus

 

DR. JONAS ŠLIŪPAS (1861-1944)

Sister VIRGINIA MARIE VYTELL, CJC

Because it is true that "there is some bad in the best of us, and some good in the worst of us," the biography of Dr. Jonas Šliūpas written by the Lithuanian historian, Dr. Juozas Jakštas, shows both sides of a controversial figure.

Many people who have never met Dr. Jonas Šliūpas, or knew him superficially, regarded him "an anti-clerical atheist". The truth was not fully known, nor were answers provided to many questions. That Dr. Jonas Šliūpas loved his fellowmen and did everything possible within his power to show that love is seen throughout the pages of the book in Lithuanian.

The following excerpts in English based on the information found in the biography, is an attempt to reveal the side unknown to most Lithuanians in the United States, especially to those living in Northeastern Pennsylvania.

While yet a child in Lithuania Jonas was saddened because there were no more Lithuanian books for him to read. He told his mother that when he grew up he would write, and write, and write some more, until there were plenty of Lithuanian books for everyone. The parents of Jonas, hoping he would become a priest, sent him to his uncle's rectory to continue his education. This was the first far-reaching mistake.

A sensitive boy of a sanguine temperament, forced to live a severly disciplined life with a polonized uncle, Rev. A. Šliūpavičius, he had to study and pray in Polish, and to earn his education as a servant in the rectory. Many times he was tempted to run away from the unbearable situation. As a result it was here that the roots of an anti-clerical ideology were planted. Respect for the priesthood was destroyed. At the age of eleven he became a young skeptic displaying a rebellious spirit toward the clergy.* In 1873 when Jonas was 12 years of age, he was sent to study at a German School in Mitau (Jelgava) in central Latvia. His mother encouraged him to become a man of learning. "Son," she said, "we are poor villagers, uneducated people, that is why we are pushed around by others. As your parents we want you to attend school that you in turn would defend the under-privileged."

At Mitau Jonas remembered his mother's words. He observed the Latvians in their song festivals, attending Latvian theaters, and preparing cultural conventions. The Polish students had their own organizations and Polish books. With the support of wealthy barons had outings and entertainments.

Lithuanians, on the other hand, were not outstanding among the other groups.

No one paid any attention to them, neither the Church nor the School. The oppressive burden of non-recognition weighed heavily upon them and was a source of discouragement for the Lithuanian students. They had no Lithuanian activities. The majority were not wealthy. No one was there to inspire them with a self-assertive spirit or to raise their self-esteem as members of a nation with a long and glorious past.

Jonas was disturbed over the negative reality of the situation. It was then that he formed closer ties with leaders among the Latvians. He saw that Lithuanians and Latvians had more in common through similarities in their language and ethnicity than Lithuanians had with Polish.

In 1880 J. Šliūpas enrolled at Moscow University when Socialism, coming from Western Europe, strongly influenced the idealistic students. He identified with the radical stream. Often meeting with the Lithuanian students he was one of the founders of a student organization as the first of its kind, having its own newspaper, appropriately called Aušra, The Dawn.

In 1882 J. Šliūpas transferred to the University of St. Petersburg where his troubles started. He was arrested and imprisoned for three months for participation in a student riot. The following year, in keeping with his desire to be a writer, he evolved as one of the originators and editors of the Lithuanian newspaper in East Prussia, offering it the name Aušra.

The efforts of young Šliūpas to revive the Lithuanian language and culture were criticized in the Polish press. Šliūpas tried to reason with the Polish editor that love for one's own cultural heritage was not an expression of hatred for Polish. Both could exist as separate and equal entities.

As an outgrowth of the Lithuanian Renaissance Movement, Aušra's purpose was to present the nation's past as part of the whole and a model for the future. It presented Lithuania as a separate and independent political and cultural unit equal to other nations.

As editor of Aušra the young zealot deviated toward the liberal and sodalist trend. As a result of this tendency on his part he was dismissed from his position. Undaunted by the act of dismissal he hoped to be of service to Lithuanians in the New World. Through enlightenment and education he would discover the causes of his nation's mistakes and the source of the people's economic poverty and political decline.

At the age of 23, J. Šliūpas left Hamburg on May 28, 1884. He arrived in New York June 16th where he began the second chapter of his life. It was a chapter filled with hard work and incessant poverty, opposition and misunderstanding. As he later admitted in the golden years of his life he made many blunders in the role he assumed in his youth to awaken the Lithuanian people from sleep, to urge them on the path of national resurrection.

He saw as one of the greatest barriers met by Lithuanians in their efforts to revive their ethnic identity was the polonization of the masses through the Polish Church. Arriving in Brooklyn, New York, J. Šliūpas first involved himself with Lithuanians encouraging them to build a church of their own separated from the Poles. He described his hopes in a letter to his fiancee, L. Malinauskaitė:

"You will see, dearest Liudyte, that by the end of this year we will have a Lithuanian priest and a church of our own. The people will sing, 'Pulkim ant kelių' ('Let us fall on our knees') in New York and in Lithuania."

But it would not be as simple a task as he first surmised. As in other Lithuanian colonies in America, early Lithuanians in New York were associating with the Poles, were drawn into their Societies and joined their parishes as many did in Lithuania. A newspaper of their own, like Aušra, was needed to promote the cause of rebirth in a land of freedom.

The young Šliūpas, by offering the sum of $95, persuaded M. Tvarauskas, a polonized boyar who had a printing press in Brooklyn, to accept him as a partner for the publication of a Lithuanian newspaper. He felt this was his destiny in the New World to spread enlightenment and national awareness among Lithuanians.

To attract more subscribers to the newspaper which they called "Unija" (Union) the decision was made-to publish in both Lithuanian and Polish. In its editorial J. Šliūpas diplomatically blamed the nobility of old for Poland's downfall and the exploitation of the masses. However, among other things, he advocated national freedom and separation for smaller nations including Lithuania. This did not please the Poles or polonized Lithuanians.

The idea of separation and autonomy, — especially for Lithuania, — irritated them. They regarded Šliūpas as unfriendly to Poland and, as such, he was suspected of being a Russian spy. When they refused to subscribe to "Unija", M. Tvarauskas decided to publish the paper for Lithuanians alone. The senior publisher's decision was a victory for Šliūpas who hoped to continue the work begun by "Aušra" for the rebirth of Lithuanian consciousness. He had personal satisfaction in the work to which he felt called.

In the next publication Šliūpas wrote that only "Aušra" among the Lithuanian newspapers was in the hands of Lithuania's defenders, but it alone was not sufficient. He mentioned that the main purpose of "Unija" was to unite Lithuanian Societies, strengthen ties with the Fatherland, and to present the necessary conditions for Lithuania to regain her true identity and freedom.

Living frugally in the printery and sleeping in the same bed the two men worked hard for many hours. However, both had their differences. Tvarauskas, being a polonized boyar, understood the polonized mentality and was patient with Lithuanians fraternalizing with the Poles. J. Šliūpas, on the other hand, was uncompromising in his efforts to separate Lithuanians from Polish domination. This eventually led to break in their common efforts in publication.

Although the American historian, Michaelson, and the Lithuanian Encyclopedia, claim that Šliūpas resigned or was dismissed for verbal attacks on the clergy, Professor Jakštas in his book states that "Šliūpas was dismissed for his resistance to Poles." Be as it may, Jonas Šliūpas found himself unemployed, but not for long.

To continue his work for enlightenment J. Šliūpas founded "Lietuvos Mylėtojų Draugija", Friends of Lithuania. The first members were New York's tailors who supplied him with a modest dwelling and a printing press. One of their projects was to be the publication of "The Lithuanian Voice," Lietuviškas Balsas.

Feeling secure as an independent publisher J. Šliūpas sent for his fiancee, L. Malinauskaitė. They were married in 1885. The first issue of "Lietuviškas Balsas," appearing in July, 1885, had 500 subscribers. His wife, Liudmila, as a writer and poet, contributed articles for publication. Their first child, Aldona, called herself a "Lithuanian Voice baby" because she was often placed in an open drawer in the printery when her mother went to work as a seamstress to help support the family.

With the publication of The Lithuanian Voice the Poles soon felt the influence of Jonas Šliūpas as leader in the movement for separation. During the 500 anniversary of Lithuania's Christian Baptism (1387-1887) commemorated in a German Church, a Capuchin monk delivered a homily praising the Lithuanian nation. At the evening banquet a Polish choir offered entertainment, and the speakers consisted of one Pole, one Jew, and three Lithuanians among whom was J. Šliūpas.

Speaking in Polish, J. Šliūpas explained the negative results inflicted upon the Lithuanians when the Polish rulers used Christianity as a pretext to join Lithuania to Poland, and to deprive the people of their language and some of their land. He touched upon the contemporary Poles and their organizations, accusing them of injustice to Lithuanians. He exempted the Polish Socialist Party which, he said, was kindly disposed toward Lithuania.

The talk which Šliūpas delivered was prepared not so much to commemorate the historic event as to point out Poland's harm to Lithuania.

Then a pro-Polish newspaper, "Lithuanian Unity" published in Plymouth, Pennsylvania, aroused the anti-clerical passions of Šliūpas. The heated disputes which circulated in both newspapers, the Lithuanian Voice and Lithuanian Unity spilled over into the homes, meeting halls, and saloons of Lithuanian colonies. Another newspaper, "Saulė" (The Sun) published in Shenandoah, spread pro-Polish propaganda to convince Lithuanian Catholics to remain united with the Polish to retain their Catholic faith.

Rev. Alexander Burba, a pro-Lithuanian pastor in Plymouth who heard of the Šliūpas family in Lithuania, tried to convince Jonas Šliūpas that Lithuanians had enough to contend with in their efforts to regain their ethnic identity without arguing about religious matters. The most important task before them was strengthening their Lithuanian unity, not destroying it.

When subscribers to the "Lietuviškas Balsas" (The Lithuanian Voice) dwindled down from 500 to 100, and the printing press was seized by his creditors, the 28 year old Šliūpas and his family moved to Shenandoah, Pennsylvania in 1888. Convinced by his wife to seek another profession, J. Šliūpas departed in the fall to study medicine in Baltimore at the University of Maryland.

As a student at the University Jonas proved to be a person of gigantic work capacity. He persevered in his studies to receive a doctor's diploma and at the same time he became involved with Lithuanians living in Baltimore.

Calling a large gathering he received cooperation to establish the Lithuanian Education Society on December 22, 1889. It was a continuing attempt on his part to urge Lithuanians to seek freedom and self identity through education and enlightenment.

Before he graduated in 1891, a new arrival from Lithuania, Rev. S.

Pautienas, attacked J. Šliūpas and his Education Society calling it a nest of atheists. The resultant hostility between both men stirred Lithuanians in Baltimore. Šliūpas' sincere desire to educate the Lithuanian people who were deprived so long by their exploiters was not understood or appreciated by many.

Not discouraged by opposition, Dr. J. Šliūpas established branches of the Society in other locations. The first one in February of 1891 was founded in Plymouth through the cooperation of Rev. Alexander Burba, J. Andžiulaitis and J. Paukštys. Others had centers in Shenandoah, Pittston, Mahanoy City, and Philadelphia.

The periodical "Apšvieta" (Enlightenment) as the Society's news-sheet, was published abroad. Its first edition appeared in 1892. Its purpose was to change the thinking and attitudes of the people, and to motivate them to seek freedom and self-expression. He presented education and enlightenment as implements in Lithuania's future mission to spread learning and culture throughout Eastern Europe and Russia.

The young doctor envisioned a bright tomorrow for Lithuania in which truth and justice would prevail in international relations. He believed the time will dawn when the accumulation of arms will no longer be necessary, where the use of force will be replaced with peace and truth. With the formation of an International Tribunal Lithuania would exist without the need for battleships or a large army. Her resources and energy will be spent for her advancement and benefit and for that of the civilized world.

With the leadership of Rev. Alexander Burba, Lithuanians in the United States finally succeeded in joining Catholic Societies in a central Alliance free of Polish intervention. It was open to all Lithuanians of good-will. In a display of trust and acceptance the position of editor to their news media, "Lithuanian Unity", was offered to the free-thinker J. Andziulaitis.

A column was assigned for Dr. J. Šliūpas with the condition that he refrain from disparaging remarks against the polonized clergy.

Catholic leaders joined the Education Society and invited the members to a convention of the Lithuanian Alliance at Plymouth, Pennsylvania, on November 23, 1891. That it was a well-meant and trusting gesture was apparent but it was also a mistake in expecting the impossible. As Rev. Alexander Burba had been told in the past, "Water and oil would sooner mix than Catholics and free-thinkers (who considered the clergy as polonizers) would find common grounds for unity."

With Rev. J. Žilius as next president of the Lithuanian Alliance a new attempt was made to include all Lithuanians in the organization with the condition that religious questions and arguments pertaining to faith be conscientiously avoided. Considering the strength of their private convictions it was a hopeless expectation that such a compromise would last.

On May 21, 1901, at the 16th convention held in Wilkes Barre, Pennsylvania, the members separated into two organizations, one identified as The Lithuanian Catholic Alliance, the other as The Lithuanian Alliance of America.

Dr. J. Šliūpas had shown an interest in Socialism during his student days at Moscow University, it surfaced in 1897 at the time of the Lattimer Massacre where unarmed coalminers were shot during a peaceful demonstration. In a fiery speech he urged Lithuanians to follow the example of other groups to form a Lithuanian Socialist Branch. He suggested their centers be located in Scranton, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, and Waterbury.

The ardor of Dr. Šliūpas was dampened when Lithuanians were not invited to the Socialist Congress at the Hague in 1904. However, joined by a new arrival from Lithuania, J. Širvydas, he called a Socialist Convention in Newark, New Jersey, on May 21, 1905, to centralize Socialist activities.

First called the Lithuanian Sodalist Party of America, the name was changed to The Lithuanian Socialist Federation. A disagreement over finances and a lack of better information on what Socialism promoted, Dr. J. Šliūpas resigned and the group disbanded.

Disillusioned with the Socialists he entered a new field of activity, that of the Lithuanian Patriots, and continued in active service to the day of his death, arousing Lithuanian consciousness both in America and Lithuania.

From 1915, a mature man of 54, Dr. j. Šliūpas joined the new American Lithuanian Patriots as the leading speaker, promoter, and fund-raiser. While practicing his profession as doctor he moved from one Lithuanian colony to another in order to influence many Lithuanians to work for their Fatherland's political independence.

Dr. Jonas Šliūpas was convinced that the greatest cause of poverty and moral decadence was the people's ignorance. To raise their level of living, education was needed. He contributed his share in newspaper publications, in books, — both original and translated, — and by giving lectures and organizing study groups. He emulated the methods used by other educators to promote his efforts.

Formed in his youth with a liberal world-view, Dr. Šliūpas made no compromises in his life. He upheld the belief that learning and the harnessing of nature's powers would bring blessings to humanity. His writings revealed that he was the product of the 1789 French Revolution. He expressed himself as a global rationalist with humanity's future in mind. As the 19th century leaders of the great liberal movement he believed in a bright future for the world.

Having a fair knowledge of 8 languages including English, Dr. Šliūpas read extensively and translated much of his acquired knowledge into Lithuanian.

However, the majority of Lithuanians who came to Northeastern Pennsylvania have had little or no opportunity for an education in their Fatherland. It stands to reason that in spite of his exalted aims and sincere love for the Lithuanians, Dr. J. Šliūpas was unable to reach the majority of the people who, living a strenuous life as coalminers to feed and clothe their families, had little time left for education for themselves.

Because of the scandalous example of a few clerics, Dr. J. Šliūpas felt inclined to condemn the entire priesthood, — with a few exemptions, — calling them the blight of the nation, a vocation unfit to lead the people, and living for the good of one's own caste.

Those who tried to limit, through slander and criticism, the extent of the doctor's influence, suceeded in making him widely known. The effect was contrary to intent. Dr. J. Šliūpas evolved as a controversial figure, loved and revered as a hero by some, or condemned and rejected by others. It was difficult to be indifferent to him.

Those who knew his past as a student in Lithuania and understood his motives, were not swayed by the polonizers. To them, Šliūpas was a great Lithuanian patriot, a public activist of wide interests, the author of numerous patriotic and social writings which wielded powerful incentives among Lithuanians in the United States to work for Lithuania's ultimate freedom.

According to Dr. J. Jakštas in his book, Dr. Jonas Šliūpas, (page 10) "researchers of Lithuania's past would be considered partial and prejudiced if they did not attribute to Dr. J. Šliūpas a merited place in the history of Lithuania's national rebirth." On the whole, the liberal and anti-clerical propaganda included in the lectures and writings of Šliūpas did not penetrate the masses. Understanding of human nature, with all its imperfections found in any calling or profession, kept the people true to the teachings of their faith.

What really mattered was the gigantic work Dr. J. Šliūpas was able td accomplish on two continents in spite of poverty, the apathy and indifference on the part of some Lithuanians, and the numerous obstacles he had to overcome through hard work and sheer force of will. Because he believed he was called to be a forerunner of Lithuania's rebirth as a nation gave him strength and courage to persevere in his mission.

To the wearied Lithuanian people he planned an improved future. Through knowledge and freedom they would raise their families to value their ethnic treasures. He stressed that knowledge does not replace virtue; there is a greater need for compassion and love. If the principle prevailed, "Do nothing to others you do not want done to yourself," then learning and creativity would turn this world into paradise.

Throughout his life the doctor retained his strong convictions. He held firmly to the two concepts of education and morality as the guiding light to a successful future, that good results would follow the formation of a national and world culture. Education based on moral principles would establish world cooperation for a lasting and blessed peace.

Whatever Dr. Jonas Šliūpas was able to do in his turbulent life he accomplished to the best of his ability. He had been numbered among the poor most of his life yet he did not seek his own welfare but worked for the good of many. That he made mistakes he humbly acknowledged. "But then," he asked, "what forerunner or prophet succeed-ed in avoiding them?"

Concern for Lithuania's welfare was an important priority in the life of Dr.

J. Šliūpas. Those who understood his deep concern hailed him as a symbol of Lithuania's freedom, a renewer of Lithuanian consciousness in America and in Lithuania. He attracted millions who had the same desire for release from foreign domination. He was recognized as one of the founders of Aušra, as a pioneer of the Lithuanian press, a teacher, lecturer, a promoter of progress and freedom.

Sensitive, an individual of a sanguine temperament, he strongly defended his personal views of patriotism. Those who opposed his ideas he regarded as foes of Lithuanianism. It was not without reason that those who did not agree with him labelled him a fanatic, and intolerant of other people's opinions.

His materialistic viewpoints, his attacks on the church and the clergy, were similar to the tactics of the Bolsheviks, yet the doctor did not consider himself one of them. He condemned the Nazis and Fascists but he did not condemn the Communists until he saw them in action. In his writings, "Laisvoji mintis" (The Free Mind) and "Naujoji Gadynė", (The New Era) he promoted democracy, love for the Fatherland, and he highly approved the Lithuanian Ethnic Association. These ideals were definitely not promoted by the Communists.

Since his childhood days Dr. J. Šliūpas had desired to be a writer, to enlighten the people, to share his knowledge with others. He began his journalistic contributions to the press in 1882 and continued to write through 58 years until 1940. He had a wide variety of topics ranging from family life, to history, to politics and religion, to national needs and morals, to health questions, to literature and biographies, to Lithuania's past and hopes for the future.

When leaving Lithuania in 1883 Šliūpas had planned to return when independence was attained, so sure was he it would happen. For many years he sacrificed, worked, and struggled, and endured opposition and hostility. In his numerous writings and lectures he encouraged Lithuanians to prepare to be worthy leaders for their emerging nation.

As a practicing physician Dr. Jonas Šliūpas lived with his family on North Main Avenue in Scranton, Pennsylvania, before the outbreak of World War I.

On April 26, 1917, after the February Revolution he traveled to San Francisco, sailed over the Pacific, then by train across Siberia he reached Stockholm, the capital of Sweden on the Baltic Sea. There, as the only Lithuanian American, he attended the October Conference of Lithuanian leaders who met to formulate the February 16th Declaration of Independence.

To them he pledged the loyalty and support of Lithuanians in the United States.

While in Sweden he wasted no time to publicize Lithuania's approaching freedom. He compiled and published his former lectures in a book called, "Lithuanian Freedom," and "The Past, Present, and Future of Lithuania." In a book of 162 pages in Lithuanian he presented his ideal "The Lithuanian-Latvian Republic, and the Union of Northern Nations."

In the two books, one in English and the other in Lithuanian, Dr. J. Šliūpas explained how the variety of nations enriches human experience, stimulates creativity, and promotes progress. Small independent nations abhor the use of force and war. The ideal of continued peace and freedom was the desired goal.

Dr. Jonas Šliūpas noted that in the past the Lithuanians had shared their talents and intellectual aptitudes in many areas with the Poles, the Russians and Germans, and, I may add, Thaddeus Kosciuško whose father was Lithuanian had offered his knowledge and service for the success of the American Revolution. History affirms these truths.

Lithuanians also proved their political maturity. In the 1905 Revolution they were the only ones in Russia who sent representatives to their own capital to demand autonomy for their nation.

During World War I Dr. Jonas Šliūpas placed his hopes in the Allied Nations.

He was certain of their victory. Ten days after President Wilson's famous Fourteen Points presented to a joint session of Congress on January 8, 1918, a group of Lithuanian Catholics, meeting at the Information Bureau in Washington, expressed that the time had come for a General Convention to which the National Council agreed.

On March 13, 1918, representatives of the Catholic and National Councils met at Madison Square Garden in New York. The main agenda for complete independence for Lithuania included that it be guaranteed by the Peace Conference with participation of Lithuanian representatives. Among other statements it declared Lithuanians would not tolerate any political or economic ties with other nations.

The National and Catholic Organizations formed a common Executive Committee whose members were to reside in Washington. Tomas Norus-Naruševičius was elected chairman, Rev. J. Žilius was secretary, Dr. J. Šliūpas was among the ten participants. The Lithuanian Information Bureau was to be called "The Lithuanian National Council and Information Bureau."

In May Dr. Šliūpas returned to Washington to confirm the de jure recognition of independence for Lithuania. He also initiated a diplomatic struggle with the Poles which lasted throughout Lithuania's independent existence.

Eventually Lithuania's delegates were entitled the privilege to receive an audience with the president apart from the Poles.

A characteristic act of the doctor was his response to the speech of Senator Henry Cabot Lodge delivered August 23, 1918. It presented the goal of the United States to make the post-war world safe for democracy. In a memorandum presented to the Senator, Dr. Šliūpas requested assured independence for Lithuania and Latvia. The memorandum was included in the Congressional Records August 29,1918. It is a continuing witness of the doctor's involvement with the Legislative Branch of the United States government.

The opportunity for a position in Lithuania's central government had not been extended to Dr. Šliūpas. From 1922 to 1941 he felt as though an invisible hand kept these positions away from him. This, however, did not prevent him from renewing his efforts to raise social, economic, and intellectual suggestions for the nation's advancement.

When President Smetona inferred that the doctor wanted to start a revolution, Dr. Šliūpas assured him all he wanted was reform and justice in the nation, not homicide. He was pleased with improvements in the field of education, the promotion of farming, trade and industry. He looked forward to the day when the people would take their rightful places in their own nation.

He knew the people valued his work for the public welfare. He was chosen an honorary member of the physicians organization, "Filii Lithuaniae". The University of Vytautas the Great bestowed on him "honoris causa" a Doctorate of Medicine, of Law, and of History. The Latvian government presented him with the Order of Three Stars. The Lithuanian government offered him the first and second degrees of the Order of Gediminas.

Dr. Šliūpas saw this as approval of his efforts to guide an organized nation to freedom and self-esteem, to the practice of ethnical and moral values. He was among the first to look upon women as equal to men. Jonas recalled his beloved mother's dedication to her home and family, and the hardships she heroically endured. His love for her reached out in respect for all womenkind. Respect is the offspring of love.

He encouraged the people to landscape their cemeteries so that the places of rest for their loved ones and friends would reflect esteem for those who once lived upon this earth. He referred to the Scandinavian cemeteries as models for Lithuanians to copy. They had flower-beds, shrubs and monuments, and pictures of the deceased.

With benches for the living their cemeteries were places for reflection and meditation, not areas for grief and mourning. They were meant to be sources for inspiration to work for the good of others, for one's own nation and for the world, before time ran out.

When Dr. J. Šliūpas was head of the Šiauliai branch of the Bank of Trade and Industry he had many dealings with the people. He listened to their complaints, offered advice, and proved himself a man of experience and a respected authority. He was sociable and friendly to all who came to him.

After trial and sorrow entered his life with the death of his wife, Liudmila, and the Bank of Trade and Industry failed, he met Grasilda Grauslytė in Palanga, the Lithuanian Atlantic City. While there, the clouds of his life lifted and the sun rose again.

Dr. J. Šliūpas and Grasilda Grauslytė were married in 1929. After settling in Palanga, their son, Vytautas, was born to them October 24, 1930. Because the doctor's reputation as a public activist for Lithuania's welfare preceded him, he was elected mayor of the resort city.

During a scout gathering in Palanga in 1933, Dr. Jonas Šliūpas as mayor was host to the British founder of Boy Scouts, Lord Baden Powell. A seasoned veteran and versatile in English, Šliūpas served as interpreter for President Antanas Smetona. Then, having prepared a fitting reception for the guest, he presented him with the key to the city and named a street in his honor.

A Lithuanian historian, Dr. Juozas Jakštas, in his book about the life and accomplishments of Dr. Šliūpas, referred to him as a radical. According to Webster the word is derived from radix, radicis, meaning a root. It is defined as "going to the center, the foundation or source." Lithuanians, before their Christianization worshipped nature in the sun, in thunder the sturdy oak tree, and other manifestations. They regarded living creatures with awe and respect. They lived in peace and let others live.

Dr. Šliūpas blamed much of Lithuania's woes, the loss of land, the enslavement of her people, the attempted annihilation of her language and culture, on those who came in the name of Christianity. The Teutonic Knights brought the sword, the Poles imposed polonization, the Russians came with Orthodoxy and russification.

In his unsatiable thirst for knowledge Dr. Šliūpas had read L. Buchner's writings which led him to the liberal path of a free-thinker. To Draper he contributed, quote "his rescue from the snares of Catholic enslavement." For the continued spread of liberal thinking in Lithuania he made use of the writings of R.B. Ingersoll, an American agnostic. Through an organization centered in Kaunas and branched out into 140 chapters, he hoped to reach the masses through periodic publications of "Laisvoji Mintis," but the Lithuanian public, unreceptive to alienation from their Catholic faith, were not interested.

However, at a celebration extended to him for his 75th birthday, Dr. Šliūpas was thanked for his accomplishments for the nation and was numbered among the first contenders for human rights and freedom. In the years following the difficult time of cruel suppression, when the name of Lithuania was erased from the map of the world and her people were reduced to slaves without rights, Dr. J. Šliūpas was among the first to enlist in the difficult and unequal struggle for Lithuania's liberation and re-birth.

The birthday celebration which he remembered for some time, was described by Dr. Šliūpas himself. Before referring to the greetings and words of acclamation delivered by the speakers, he remarked, quote: "What would the Socialists, the clergy, and the polonizers say on hearing that the Lithuanian people prepared for me such a Birthday celebration that very few people live to see." (p. 252) Among the speakers were such officials as the rector of the University in Kaunas, and the Minister of Education, besides 17 others representing a variety of organizations and localities. He and his family were presented with round-trip tickets to the United States. The Brooklyn tailors, Drobės Cooperative, had sent greetings along with an invitation to come to their headquarters to be measured for a suit and overcoat.

Dr. Šliūpas, with his wife and son, made use of the opportunity the following summer. After 15 years of absence he was able to meet his former friends and co-workers in the United States.

The mark of esteem extended to Dr. Šliūpas on his 75th birthday was the most elaborate and the last to be celebrated in Lithuania. His 80th birthday, which would have been marked in the spring of 1941, coincided with the first Bolshevik occupation. The day was passed in silence. He was not a "persona grata" for the Soviets.

With the Soviet arrival Dr. Šliūpas had been offered a government post which he refused. All his life he worked and fought for Lithuania's freedom. He found it impossible to join those who, with brute force, were prepared to quench its life. He became a private citizen in Palanga, a spectator of Lithuania's approaching agony.

During the second Soviet invasion with the departure of the Germans, Dr. J.

Šliūpas left Palanga and joined the wave of people leaving their country for the safety of their families. For a short time he lived in Vienna then travelled to a peaceful town in Austria near the Switzerland border. While there he was asked, on November 1st, 1944, to travel to Berlin to join others who would come to record a message to be broadcast over the air waves to American Lithuanians.

Dr. J. Šliūpas, feeling capable of enduring the strains and dangers of a journey during wartime, had not counted on freezing on a train with shattered windows, being awakened from sleep to descend to a bomb-shelter in a hotel, spending time in an unheated room, and attending meetings with Lithuanian leaders for two days. On the day of departure from Berlin, he retired at one in the morning, but could not sleep because of severe chest pains. At 8 o'clock that morning a doctor, summoned to his bedside, arrived at 9 but found that Dr. J. Šliūpas had died. It was November 6, 1944.

Upon hearing of his death, Lithuanians in the area and from afar, under dangerous circumstances of intermittent bombing, came to convey their respects. The inscriptions on the wreaths and bouquets of flowers revealed the sentiments of the people; "To the Founder of Lithuania's Re-birth", "To a Great Lithuanian Patriot" "To an Aušrininkas (Dawn-movement Leader)", "To Dr. J. Šliūpas, Lithuania's Patriarch."

The ashes of Dr. Jonas Šliūpas, kept in an urn, were brought to the United States by his wife and son in 1947 and buried in the National Cemetery in Chicago. At the place of burial near the main road in the very center of the cemetery, a monument was raised in his memory.

Today the monument speaks to generations of America's Lithuanians of a devoted Patriot who roused their forefathers in the United States and in Lithuania to reclaim their freedom and identity. Dr. Jonas Šliūpas pressed an indelible responsibility on the consciousness of true Lithuanians to value their great past and to build upon it for a worthy future.

http://farm6.static.flickr.com/5163/5326026510_c3f91ae25d.jpg 

The monument with the urn in the National Cemetery in Chicago is a visible expression of one man's efforts to rekindle the flame of love for one's own nation, to seek freedom for self-expression and rights as a people.

On a stone monument in the Lithuanian National Cemetery in Chicago are the words in Lithuanian:

 

DR. JONAS ŠLIŪPAS

the rouser of the Lithuanian nation,

contender for her freedom,

born March 4, 1861, in Rakandžiai,

died November 6, 1944, in Berlin.

 

To be a champion of patriotism and a contender for freedom are two worthy goals for attainment. To persevere to the end in any worthy endeavor requires courage, strength of character, and ability to keep the vision alive in spite of confliciting and discouraging circumstances.

Any champion or contender, irrespective of the goal, must expect and withstand opposition, hostility, verbal abuse, character assassination, slander and prejudice. In a word, it requires exceptional heroism. All this and more Dr. Jonas Šliūpas faced in his life, both in Lithuania and in the United States. Motivated by pity and love for an enslaved people he paid a very high price, spending his entire life for a cause in which he strongly and passionately believed.

To Dr. J. Šliūpas the enemies and exploiters of Lithuanians were the polonized clergy. He felt it was his duty to do everything in his power to defend the unsuspecting people from being deprived of their ethnic and work capacity, knowing he could not wage a successful battle by himself, he turned to unbelievers and enemies of the Church for assistance. It was his dependence on them that earned for Šliūpas the name of atheist.

This label served the polonized clergy as a convienient scare device to keep the Lithuanians from leaving the Poles until Rev. Alexander Burba of Plymouth, Pennsylvania, proved them wrong. Since Catholic means "universal"

it was possible to be a Lithuanian Roman Catholic without being Polish. God requires no one to deny his identity t6 be numbered among His people.

Most Lithuanians did not know, — especially those living in Northeastern Pennsylvania, — that it was the most important goal of Dr. J. Šliūpas to keep alive their ethnic identity through education and enlightenment, that they learn about their great past as a people, and build upon this past into the future. Least of all did he wish to make them atheists. Lithuanians as pagans believed in higher beings and in life after death. All of nature was a reason for awe and worship.

 

* From "Dr. Jonas Šliūpas" by J. Jakštas.

Category : Historical Lithuania

Recovery for Baltic tourism sector

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- It was something of a recovery period for the Baltic tourism industry in 2010, following a challenging 2009. In all three Baltic countries tourist arrival numbers fell in 2009. Latvia welcomed the most tourists (4.72mn), with Lithuania and Estonia both attracting just over 4mn. Latvia's position as the cheapest tourist destination of the three Baltic countries helped it maintain tourist numbers slightly better than its neighbours during the period of global economic uncertainty in 2009. The decision by the Latvian parliament in May 2010 to reduce the VAT rate on hotel accommodation from 21% to 10% further underlines the country's attractiveness compared to its Baltic peers.

Looking at trends in 2010, all three countries reported higher hotel occupancy rates over the summer months, which bodes well for full-year tourist arrivals figures. We estimate growth in tourist arrivals of 3% for Estonia, 5% for Latvia and 2.5% for Lithuania in 2010. Looking ahead, we are positive about the outlook for all three countries, with a slight preference for Latvia's potential growth in the next five years. Estonia remains the largest tourism market in terms of tourist revenues, generating US$1.42bn in 2009. Lithuania was second with US$870mn, with Latvia in third on US$674mn.

Read more at Section 23 – TRAVEL LITHUANIA!

Category : News

Lithuania’s State owned medical field is ineffective, tarnished by corruption

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Audrius Simaitis

VilNews invites you to participate in a discussion about Lithuania’s health care system.
Introduction by Audrius Simaitis,
Consultant Cardiologist at Royal Cornwall Hospital, UK.

One of the things that strikes one the most in Lithuania is the fact that management’s mentality in the health care system has undergone little change since Soviet times. This is out of proportion in comparison with other fields like education and business.

Any outsider would immediately ask: why?
The answer most probably could be found comparing the State owned medical field with the predominantly private sector of odontology.

The State owned medical field is ineffective, tarnished by corruption. National and European surveys reveal the public in general is significantly dissatisfied. Physicians are happy neither with salary levels nor with working conditions. The emigration rates of the doctors are increasingly in worrying proportions.

To read more and comment, go to Section 3 – CHAT AND DICUSS!

Category : Health & wellbeing

LITHUANIA AND THE SOVIET UNION 1939-1940: THE FATEFUL YEAR

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From the Memoirs of Juozas Urbšys

Dear readers,

On 15 June 1940, Soviet Russia invaded Lithuania. This was the beginning of Lithuania’s loss of freedom for more than fifty years and the beginning of one of the saddest and most tragic parts of Lithuania’s history. There has been much talk and speculation about how this invasion came about and what Lithuania did, or as some would accuse didn’t do, to prevent it. To shed clear light on this topic, we would like to share with you parts of the personal memoirs of Juozas Urbšys who was a member of the group that personally met with Vyacheslav Molotov and Stalin. After reading these fascinating and very informative memoirs we are sure you will have a better appreciation for the precarious situation the leaders of the then free Republic of Lithuania were in and what they did to try to protect the lives of the Lithuanian people.

We will share these memoirs in 4 parts. Here is part 1 of 4 - IN MOSCOW

Introduction by editor Antanas Dundzila

Juozas Urbšys, Lithuanian diplomat and statesman, was born in 1896 and currently resides in Kaunas (at the time this article was first published in 1989 Mr. Urbšys was residing in Kaunas. Mr. Urbšys died on April 30, 1991. After lying in state at the city of Kaunas' War Museum, he was entombed in Petrašiūnai Cemetery in Kaunas).

He began his long career in the service of his country during World War I as a member of the Lithuanian Central Relief Committee in Moscow (1915-16). An officer in the Lithuanian army, he retired in 1922 to join the diplomatic corps and served in a number of posts in Berlin, Paris, Riga, and Kaunas. He served as Minister of Foreign Affairs (1938-40) during a particularly difficult time in Lithuania's history. His tenure saw the Polish ultimatum of 1938, the German seizure of the Klaipėda Territory in 1939, the forced stationing of Soviet garrisons in Lithuania from October 10,1939, and ultimately, the Soviet occupation of the country subsequent to the ultimatum of June 14, 1940.

Urbšys and his wife were arrested on July 16, 1940 and deported to the Soviet Union (Soviet authorities sent him initially to a prison in Tambov; he was later moved to prisons in Saratov, Ivanov and elsewhere. Of his 13 years in prison, 11 were spent in solitary confinement). In 1956, they were permitted to return to Lithuania. Urbšys (then worked translating a number of works of French literature into Lithuanian, and presently subsists on a meager pension.

Urbšys's memoirs, quite astoundingly, appeared in the Soviet Lithuanian press in September of 1988. One of the few remaining eye-witnesses to the cynical manipulations, both Soviet and German, preceding the occupation of Lithuania, Urbšys, at 93, has recently addressed mass rallies in Vilnius and Kaunas.

The following excerpts are translated from the Lithuanian edition of Urbšys's memoirs and are paginated accordingly.

 

IN MOSCOW

p.8

On the third of October 1939, I, as Lithuania's Foreign Minister, flew to Moscow via Riga. At Moscow airport, decorated for the occasion with Lithuanian and Soviet flags, I was met by a group which included Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, an elderly man, whose name, if memory serves me correctly, was Lozovsky. That same evening, together with the Lithuanian envoy in Moscow, Ladas Natkevičius, we were invited to the Kremlin.

Lithuanian delegation before departing to Moscow in October, 1939.

Urbšys is third from left.

 

Arriving a little before eleven we waited with other automobiles to pass through the gates while uniformed secret police formed us into a line. At the door of the government offices we were met by an official in military uniform who introduced himself as "Commander of the Workers' and Peasants' Government Offices." We exchanged greetings and the commander led us to an elevator which took us to the second or third floor, I do not remember which. In the cloakroom an elderly attendant typical of such places took our coats.

We stepped into the waiting room. There sat one or two taciturn almost dour, young men surrounded by telephones and dressed in civilian clothing. They announced our arrival to whom it was necessary and, opening a door, let us into a further room.

A spacious hall. In the right corner (looking from the door) a large writing desk laden with telephones. In the left, a door opening onto yet another room. Almost directly in front of the open door stretched a long conference table. This then was the office of V. M. Molotov, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars and the Commissar for Foreign Affairs. Molotov, Potemkin, Deputy Commissar for Foreign Affairs, and Pozdniakov, Charge of Lithuanian Affairs in the Soviet Union, awaited us. We sat down at the further end of the conference table near the open door.

Before long, Stalin appeared in the doorway: graying, rather thick hair combed upwards, luxuriant mustaches, thick-set frame; a sand colored jacked buttoned down the front with the collar turned back at the neck revealing a thin white band, peasant trousers of the same color stuffed into soft low black boots. A closer look revealed that these supposedly ordinary clothes and shoes were of exceptional quality fabric and workmanship.

Then began negotiations between two sovereign nations, each enjoying equal rights, whose friendly relations, as we have seen, were based on solemnly signed accords still in effect. One would have thought that this was a golden opportunity for a socialist nation to display its moral superiority to the world and a chance for it to prevail forever upon the heart of a small but noble one.

Stalin began to speak and without beating around the bush stated bluntly that the Soviet Union had made a pact with Germany (Hitlerite, Fascist Germany!) granting the major portion of Lithuania to the Soviet Union and a narrow strip of border to Germany. Placing a map of Lithuania on the table, he pointed to the line drawn in on independent Lithuania's territory demarcating the Soviet and German "domains." So this is what Molotov had hidden up his sleeve when, having already made a pact with Ribbentrop, he told Natkevičius that he was expecting a particularly amicable comportment from Lithuania.

(...)

p. 10

I try to protest against this apportionment of an independent nation saying that Lithuania least of all expected this from its ally the Soviet Union. I refrain from saying too much: a vision of Vilnius, the city and its territory, which the government of Lithuania has sent me here to regain, looms before me. Stalin explains that, on the contrary, the Soviet Union wants no such division and if the Germans renounce their claim then the strip of border will remain part of Lithuania. The ambassador of Germany, von Schulenburg, can be summoned immediately to discuss this question.

Molotov intones:

— Any imperialist country would simply occupy Lithuania and that would be that. Unlike us. We wouldn't be Bolsheviks if we didn't search for new ways. . .

His words would seem consolatory if one knew for certain that these new ways would not rejoin the old well-traveled ones in the end.

Stalin concretizes:

— We have to sign two treaties: one dealing with the return of Vilnius, and the other regarding mutual assistance.

He spreads out a second map of Lithuania on the table, one more felicitous to the Lithuanian heart. The line drawn in on it shows Vilnius and a portion of the territory to its east ceded to Lithuania. However, this line, passing very close to the capital, is a far cry from all the territory recognized as Lithuanian in the July 20, 1920 peace treaty.

I inform Stalin that the government of Lithuania had but one thing in mind when they sent me to Moscow and that I was empowered to discuss solely the matter of Vilnius with the government of the Soviet Union.

— A mutual assistance treaty, — I continue, — is an entirely new thing which I have not been authorized to discuss. I must return to Kaunas and inform my government of this.

I ask for a copy of the text for the proposed treaty so that my report can be as factual as possible. The Soviet men reply that they will furnish us with a copy of the pact tomorrow.

Tomorrow had in fact begun, for Natkevičius and I left the Kremlin a good deal after midnight.

We had just returned to the legation when a phone call summoned us once again to the Kremlin. We arrived around two in the morning. The same individuals awaited us. They handed us drafts of two treaties: the first, dealing with the return of Vilnius and its territory to Lithuania, and the second, with Lithuanian and Soviet mutual assistance. The latter provided for the permanent placement on Lithuanian territory of, I do not recall the exact number, but no less than 50,000 Soviet troops.

Having read through this draft, I exclaim:

— But this is the occupation of Lithuania!

Stalin and Molotov both smile. The former assures me that this is what Estonia said at first, also. The Soviet Union was not seeking to endanger Lithuania's independence. Rather, the Soviet army stationed in Lithuania would guarantee that the Soviet Union would defend Lithuania in the event of an attack. Thus the Soviet army would be working to insure Lithuania's security.

— Our troops will help you put down a communist insurrection should one occur in Lithuania, — added Stalin smiling.

Perhaps sensing how heavily Stalin's words weighed on us, Molotov began to explain how the Soviet Union would remain as friendly as before towards Lithuania. The Soviets were preferring a mutual assistance treaty because they wished our country well. Such a pact had already been signed with Estonia and that country was not complaining, was it? Latvia would soon sign the same. Did Lithuania want to threaten the entire system of defense?

Stalin, meanwhile, agreed to cut the size of the Soviet army contingent to be sent to Lithuania to 35,000. He was seemingly unaware that Lithuania had such a small army and understood its reluctance to have more Soviet troops than its own. In our argument against the stationing of Soviet garrisons, we had pointed out, among other things, that the army being sent to Lithuania would be twice the size of the Lithuanian army.

Remembering that my instructions do not permit me to negotiate the stationing of troops in Lithuania, I speak hypothetically hoping to garner enough essential information to present as complete a report as possible to my government. I ask whether the contingent could not be reduced to 20,000 and confined to the newly reclaimed territory thus leaving the rest of the country unaffected. Stalin reasserts that troops must be stationed at specific locations throughout the entire country. He will not require that they be sent to Kaunas, however, since he realizes that it would be disconcerting to have another nation's army present at the seat of government. A portion of the Soviet army is to be posted in the territory of Vilnius, though not in the capital itself, of course, but in Naujoji Vilnia. The final number of troops was still, apparently, open to debate.

It looks as if everything has been said. Natkevičius and I rise to leave. Half in jest, I console myself aloud with my ill-starred fate, for having just borne Germany's blow, wresting the Klaipėda territory from us, now another such blow . . .

Stalin retorts:

— Germany grabbed territory from you. We, on the contrary, are ceding some to you. There can be no comparison!

— I am by no means comparing Germany's methods with those of the Soviet Union. Rather, I am grateful that so difficult a matter for Lithuania is being discussed with us in this deliberative atmosphere.

Molotov suggests that we telephone our government to get the necessary authorization. I reply that it is impossible to discuss such a matter over the phone. Stalin concurs.

What an interesting coincidence. When Ribbentrop handed us the ultimatum regarding the annexation of the Klaipėda territory, and when I protested that I had to return to Kaunas to inform my government, he, too, suggested that I get the necessary authorization from my government by telephone.

We would like to thank Lituanus for their kind permission to share this article with you.

LITUANUS

LITHUANIAN QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES
Volume 34, No. 2 - Summer 1989
Editor of this issue: Antanas Dundzila

Memoirs of Juozas Urbšys
Translated and edited by Sigita Naujokaitis

http://www.lituanus.org

Category : Blog archive

Lithuania’s State owned medical field is ineffective, tarnished by corruption

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Audrius Simaitis

VilNews invites you to participate in a discussion about Lithuania’s health care system.
Introduction by Audrius Simaitis,
Consultant Cardiologist at Royal Cornwall Hospital, UK.

One of the things that strikes one the most in Lithuania is the fact that management’s mentality in the health care system has undergone little change since Soviet times. This is out of proportion in comparison with other fields like education and business.

Any outsider would immediately ask: why?
The answer most probably could be found comparing the State owned medical field with the predominantly private sector of odontology.

The State owned medical field is ineffective, tarnished by corruption. National and European surveys reveal the public in general is significantly dissatisfied. Physicians are happy neither with salary levels nor with working conditions. The emigration rates of the doctors are increasingly in worrying proportions.

Odontology is the opposite. No corruption scandals, doctors are earning good salaries, customers are happy, and there is very little emigration amongst the dentists.

One country, two different worlds. Why?

The surveys regarding State owned medicine reveal that most people do not like the system; they do not understand the aim of the current reforms. At the same time people express very strong satisfaction rates with the particular care of the physicians and particular service provided by the Hospital. These kinds of answers mean one thing: people do not like the system, however they like the doctors. For the doctors it means a lot of personal effort to sustain the inefficient system.

The Swedish report in 2002 and The World Bank report in 2009 clearly indicated that problem too. The former report stated that the heads of the Hospitals demonstrated old - fashioned ways in dealing with their employees. In 2009 The World bank report came to the same conclusion emphasizing that there was obvious need to strengthen the management skills of those administering the Hospitals.

Very little if anything has been done since then. On the opposite, six years ago Parliament issued a law declaring that the there is no retirement age limit for the heads of the hospitals. They are the only category in the country to have such indulgence. There is no control and accountability for their actions, as any of the Boards in the hospitals do not have any decision making power. As the result of that most of doctors and nurses live in apathy. They are disinterested in the health care system in general.

The Health Care ministry acknowledges this problem. There was a quite strong statement in the outline of the current reform in 2009. The Ministry states that there is a need to create collective ways of management to control the unilateral decisions of the Directors of the Hospitals. President Dalia Grybauskaite supports the idea of the rotation of the Directors.

Despite that very little progress was made towards the implementation of these ideas. In next 5-10 years health care systems of all countries will face an unprecedented challenge in the need of financial resources. There will be no more cash in the system. Therefore the only way to sustain the current levels of health care is through more efficient use of the resources.

This could only be achieved if ordinary doctors and nurses feel the interest and if they feel that they are a part of the system. With the current old-fashioned way the management does not allow that.

Therefore will Lithuanian health care be ready and able to live up to challenge in next five- ten years?

Category : Blog archive

VilNews is becoming a success of World format!

- Posted by - (0) Comment

After only two weeks online, VilNews has had close to ONE MILLION ARTCLE HITS!!

This is unique and remarkable, even in our today’s international internet world.

The success of VilNews, even on a world scale, is remarkable!
In the world of internet, hits and visitors are most important, and we have already, by far, exceeded all expectations with hundreds of percentages, getting close to one million  article hits after only two weeks online!!!

Category : News

69% of our readers are living in USA or Lithuania!

- Posted by - (0) Comment

USA and Lithuania were over these two weeks competing every day about being the leading nation among our VilNews readers. Today USA is clearly ahead!

These two countries are, by the way, in a league of their own, representing almost 70% of our total readership. Today, for the first time, France is among our top 10!!

These are the figures of the day:

 

On the places after France follow:
Spain, Japan, Ireland, France, Sweden, Denmark, Hong Kong, Russia, Portugal, Latvia, Finland, Kenya, Spain, South Africa and the Czech Republic.

We have also readers in countries like:
Qatar, Oman, Benin, Oman, Kyrgyzstan, Afghanistan, Kazakhstan, Indonesia, Thailand, China, Colombia, Malaysia, Chile, Artgentina, Trinidad and Tobago.

Lithuania-lovers in absolutely every corner of the world, in other words...

Category : News

National priorities for Lithuania – a Canadian`s perspective

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Professor Vic Pakalnis

I had a wonderful trip to Vilnius this past summer and I came away with a view of Lithuania that was full of admiration and hope. It filled me with pride that my parents were born there and that my DNA is tied to that corner of the world.

I have made a few observations while I was there that I feel need to be addressed and discussed. While I may not be an expert on everything, I do know mining, nuclear power, and the public administration , so this is what I will share with you. Lithuania does not seem to have any natural resources; this is amazing to me, for all around Lithuania are countries with oil, minerals and industrial materials. Despite all of this, there is nothing major within Lithuanian borders. Either Lithuania is truly a barren place or you need some expertise in geological and mineral exploration.

We can help with this! In Canada the largest mining show in the world happens in Toronto, Ontario. For instance, next week ( or next year ) at the Prospectors and Developers Association of Canada (PDAC), the Lithuanian government could provide an incentive to mining developers, such as a tax-free period , and let them find the mineral wealth that likely exists in the land. The TMX (who operates our stock exchange) also finances over 70% of all mining deals in the world. Canada can do good work with Lithuania, and I for one would love to see both our countries prosper.

The second item on my list is one that I am sure many Lithuanians would agree upon: Lithuania needs a reliable source of energy to call their own. Being dependent on fossil fuel plants, and dependant on Russia for fuel and power is not only dirty from an environmental perspective but is also very expensive. My solution is that Lithuania needs a CANDU reactor. In short, CANDU is the Canadian nuclear reactor that are the safest and most flexible reactor I have ever seen, but do not use enriched uranium which is a major component for nuclear weapons. Canada would be a good trading partner for this, as we need to sell CANDU technology to join the market in Europe.

A third observation I made is that Lithuania needs to overhaul its public service. On my visit I met with a number of Lithuanian public servants and with students and faculty at Mykolas Romeris University. I was told that the "old guard" within the public service are so used to the soviet system of centralized planning and the adage ``They pretend to pay me and I pretend to work,`` that not enough gets done. Inefficiency and petty corruption are a real problem that faces many countries that broke free of the soviet union, so there is nothing to be ashamed of; it simply must be fixed. I was very impressed with the students I met and the younger generation, who are bright and still optimistic. These bright minds could easily be trained to drive a professional and non-partisan public service. With adequate pay and a truly accountable system that ensures rewards of pay for performance, as well as corrections for non-performance, the system could be one Lithuanians would be proud of.

Cheers
Vic

Vic Pakalnis , P.Eng. , MBA , M.Eng.
Professor
Kinross Professorship in Mining & Sustainability
The Robert M. Buchan Department of Mining
Goodwin Hall - 25 Union st , Room 325B
Queen's University
Kingston , Ontario Canada K7L 3N6
Tel 613-533-3327
Fax 613-533-6597
pakalnis@queensu.ca

Category : Blog archive

Spring in Vilnius!

- Posted by - (1) Comment

 

I just grabbed my camera today, this first day of March. Because I wanted to share with you, dear readers, what Vilnius looks like today. Still snow and ice many places, but the melting process is now obvious. Spring is here!

 

Photos: Aage Myhre

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Category : News

Impressive comeback for former Vilnius Mayor, Arturas Zuokas

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No doubt. Arturas Zuokas, who was Mayor of Vilnius twice, is eager and ready to occupy the chair for a third time. He didn’t make a secret out of it at a press conference on Monday, saying that he was ready to take the responsibility once again. His ‘Vilnius Coalition’ got 12 out of 51 mandates in the Vilnius election, just surpassing ‘The Polish Party’ that got 11 mandates.

An impressive comeback for a man who had already been written off by many.

In 100 polling districts (out of totally 151), Arturas Zuokas and his Vilnius Coalition received support from 17.45% of the voters; the Polish and Russian coalition was supported by 15.77% of the voters. The Homeland Union-Lithuanian Christian Democrats came third with 13.49% of the vote.

Zuokas predicts that the ruling coalition in Vilnius City Municipal Council will be formed from at least three parties which are expected to be named as soon as Monday.

Also the Polish minority party increased its number of seats in the Vilnius city Council, when the Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania managed to win 15.24 percent of the ballot in coalition with the Union of Russians, gaining 11 out of the 51 seats available in the capital’s council.

Waldemar Tomaszewski, head of the party and an MEP from the European Conservatives and Reformists grouping, tol din a press releasethat „the elections are a success.”

The Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania also won in regional elections, gaining 64.72 percent of the ballot in the Vilnius region, gaining 19 out of 27 seats in the local government.

44.04% of Lithuania’s voters went to the polls this Sunday to express their political will. Voter turnout data was collected from 2,016 polling stations in 60 municipalities. Turnout reached 1.152,765 people voted, 4.51% of ballot papers found invalid. Preliminary data shows that Alytus, Birstonas, Lazdijai, Silale, Svencionys, Salcininkai, Raseiniai, Pagegiai, Ignalina,Vilnius, Zarasai districts and Neringa city saw the highest local governments election turnout with over 50% of the local electorate going to the polls. The percentage of voters in the major cities was lower. According to preliminary counts, voter turnout was at 36.62% in Panevezys, 40.1% in Kaunas, 33.55% in Klaipeda, 41.49% in Alytus, 39.43 in Siauliai and 43.93% in Vilnius. Polling stations closed at 8 p.m.

A total of 16,404 candidates stood for election to municipal councils. Seats at municipal councils were sought by 23 party lists of candidates and 505 independent candidates.

Voters in 60 municipalities elected 1,526 municipal council members.

Sources: BNS, lrytas.lt, veidas.lt, delfi.lt

Category : News

OPINIONS

Have your say. Send to:
editor@VilNews.com


By Dr. Boris Vytautas Bakunas,
Ph. D., Chicago

A wave of unity sweeps the international Lithuanian community on March 11th every year as Lithuanians celebrated the anniversary of the Lithuanian Parliament's declaration of independence from the Soviet Union in 1990. However, the sense of national unity engendered by the celebration could be short-lived.

Human beings have a strong tendency to overgeneralize and succumb to stereotypical us-them distinctions that can shatter even the strongest bonds. We need only search the internet to find examples of divisive thinking at work:

- "50 years of Soviet rule has ruined an entire generation of Lithuanian.

- "Those who fled Lithuania during World II were cowards -- and now they come back, flaunt their wealth, and tell us 'true Lithuanians' how to live."

- "Lithuanians who work abroad have abandoned their homeland and should be deprived of their Lithuanian citizenship."

Could such stereotypical, emotionally-charged accusations be one of the main reasons why relations between Lithuania's diaspora groups and their countrymen back home have become strained?

Read more...
* * *


Text: Saulene Valskyte

In Lithuania Christmas Eve is a family event and the New Year's Eve a great party with friends!
Lithuanian say "Kaip sutiksi naujus metus, taip juos ir praleisi" (the way you'll meet the new year is the way you will spend it). So everyone is trying to spend New Year's Eve with friend and have as much fun as possible.

Lithuanian New Year's traditions are very similar to those in other countries, and actually were similar since many years ago. Also, the traditional Lithuanian New Years Eve party was very similar to other big celebrations throughout the year.

The New Year's Eve table is quite similar to the Christmas Eve table, but without straws under the tablecloth, and now including meat dishes. A tradition that definitely hasn't changes is that everybody is trying not to fell asleep before midnight. It was said that if you oversleep the midnight point you will be lazy all the upcoming year. People were also trying to get up early on the first day of the new year, because waking up late also meant a very lazy and unfortunate year.

During the New Year celebration people were dancing, singing, playing games and doing magic to guess the future. People didn't drink much of alcohol, especially was that the case for women.

Here are some advices from elders:
- During the New Year, be very nice and listen to relatives - what you are during New Year Eve, you will be throughout the year.

- During to the New Year Eve, try not to fall, because if this happens, next year you will be unhappy.

- If in the start of the New Year, the first news are good - then the year will be successful. If not - the year will be problematic.

New year predictions
* If during New Year eve it's snowing - then it will be bad weather all year round. If the day is fine - one can expect good harvest.
* If New Year's night is cold and starry - look forward to a good summer!
* If the during New Year Eve trees are covered with frost - then it will be a good year. If it is wet weather on New Year's Eve, one can expect a year where many will die and dangerous epidemics occur.
* If the first day of the new year is snowy - the upcoming year will see many young people die. If the night is snowy - mostly old people will die.
* If the New Year time is cold - then Easter will be warm.
* If during New Year there are a lot of birds in your homestead - then all year around there will be many guests and the year will be fun.

Read more...
* * *

* * *
VilNews
Christmas greetings
from Vilnius


* * *
Ukraine won the historic
and epic battle for the
future
By Leonidas Donskis
Kaunas
Philosopher, political theorist, historian of
ideas, social analyst, and political
commentator

Immediately after Russia stepped in Syria, we understood that it is time to sum up the convoluted and long story about Ukraine and the EU - a story of pride and prejudice which has a chance to become a story of a new vision regained after self-inflicted blindness.

Ukraine was and continues to be perceived by the EU political class as a sort of grey zone with its immense potential and possibilities for the future, yet deeply embedded and trapped in No Man's Land with all of its troubled past, post-Soviet traumas, ambiguities, insecurities, corruption, social divisions, and despair. Why worry for what has yet to emerge as a new actor of world history in terms of nation-building, European identity, and deeper commitments to transparency and free market economy?

Right? Wrong. No matter how troubled Ukraine's economic and political reality could be, the country has already passed the point of no return. Even if Vladimir Putin retains his leverage of power to blackmail Ukraine and the West in terms of Ukraine's zero chances to accede to NATO due to the problems of territorial integrity, occupation and annexation of Crimea, and mayhem or a frozen conflict in the Donbas region, Ukraine will never return to Russia's zone of influence. It could be deprived of the chances to join NATO or the EU in the coming years or decades, yet there are no forces on earth to make present Ukraine part of the Eurasia project fostered by Putin.

Read more...
* * *
Watch this video if you
want to learn about the
new, scary propaganda
war between Russia,
The West and the
Baltic States!


* * *
90% of all Lithuanians
believe their government
is corrupt
Lithuania is perceived to be the country with the most widespread government corruption, according to an international survey involving almost 40 countries.

Read more...
* * *
Lithuanian medical
students say no to
bribes for doctors

On International Anticorruption Day, the Special Investigation Service shifted their attention to medical institutions, where citizens encounter bribery most often. Doctors blame citizens for giving bribes while patients complain that, without bribes, they won't receive proper medical attention. Campaigners against corruption say that bribery would disappear if medical institutions themselves were to take resolute actions against corruption and made an effort to take care of their patients.

Read more...
* * *
Doing business in Lithuania

By Grant Arthur Gochin
California - USA

Lithuania emerged from the yoke of the Soviet Union a mere 25 years ago. Since then, Lithuania has attempted to model upon other European nations, joining NATO, Schengen, and the EU. But, has the Soviet Union left Lithuania?

During Soviet times, government was administered for the people in control, not for the local population, court decisions were decreed, they were not the administration of justice, and academia was the domain of ideologues. 25 years of freedom and openness should have put those bad experiences behind Lithuania, but that is not so.

Today, it is a matter of expectation that court pronouncements will be governed by ideological dictates. Few, if any Lithuanians expect real justice to be effected. For foreign companies, doing business in Lithuania is almost impossible in a situation where business people do not expect rule of law, so, surely Government would be a refuge of competence?

Lithuanian Government has not emerged from Soviet styles. In an attempt to devolve power, Lithuania has created a myriad of fiefdoms of power, each speaking in the name of the Government, each its own centralized power base of ideology.

Read more...
* * *
Greetings from Wales!
By Anita Šovaitė-Woronycz
Chepstow, Wales

Think of a nation in northern Europe whose population is around the 3 million mark a land of song, of rivers, lakes, forests, rolling green hills, beautiful coastline a land where mushrooms grow ready for the picking, a land with a passion for preserving its ancient language and culture.

Doesn't that sound suspiciously like Lithuania? Ah, but I didn't mention the mountains of Snowdonia, which would give the game away.

I'm talking about Wales, that part of the UK which Lithuanians used to call "Valija", but later named "Velsas" (why?). Wales, the nation which has welcomed two Lithuanian heads of state to its shores - firstly Professor Vytautas Landsbergis, who has paid several visits and, more recently, President Dalia Grybauskaitė who attended the 2014 NATO summit which was held in Newport, South Wales.
MADE IN WALES -
ENGLISH VERSION OF THE
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
VYTAUTAS LANDSBERGIS.

Read more...
* * *
IS IT POSSIBLE TO
COMMENT ON OUR
ARTICLES? :-)
Read Cassandra's article HERE

Read Rugile's article HERE

Did you know there is a comment field right after every article we publish? If you read the two above posts, you will see that they both have received many comments. Also YOU are welcome with your comments. To all our articles!
* * *

Greetings from Toronto
By Antanas Sileika,
Toronto, Canada

Toronto was a major postwar settlement centre for Lithuanian Displaced Persons, and to this day there are two Catholic parishes and one Lutheran one, as well as a Lithuanian House, retirement home, and nursing home. A new wave of immigrants has showed interest in sports.

Although Lithuanian activities have thinned over the decades as that postwar generation died out, the Lithuanian Martyrs' parish hall is crowded with many, many hundreds of visitors who come to the Lithuanian cemetery for All Souls' Day. Similarly, the Franciscan parish has standing room only for Christmas Eve mass.

Although I am firmly embedded in the literary culture of Canada, my themes are usually Lithuanian, and I'll be in Kaunas and Vilnius in mid-November 2015 to give talks about the Lithuanian translations of my novels and short stories, which I write in English.

If you have the Lithuanian language, come by to one of the talks listed in the links below. And if you don't, you can read more about my work at
www.anatanassileika.com

http://www.vdu.lt/lt/rasytojas-antanas-sileika-pristatys-savo-kuryba/
https://leu.lt/lt/lf/lf_naujienos/kvieciame-i-rasytojo-59hc.html
* * *

As long as VilNews exists,
there is hope for the future
Professor Irena Veisaite, Chairwoman of our Honorary Council, asked us to convey her heartfelt greetings to the other Council Members and to all readers of VilNews.

"My love and best wishes to all. As long as VilNews exists, there is hope for the future,"" she writes.

Irena Veisaite means very much for our publication, and we do hereby thank her for the support and wise commitment she always shows.

You can read our interview with her
HERE.
* * *
EU-Russia:
Facing a new reality

By Vygaudas Ušackas
EU Ambassador to the Russian Federation

Dear readers of VilNews,

It's great to see this online resource for people interested in Baltic affairs. I congratulate the editors. From my position as EU Ambassador to Russia, allow me to share some observations.

For a number of years, the EU and Russia had assumed the existence of a strategic partnership, based on the convergence of values, economic integration and increasingly open markets and a modernisation agenda for society.

Our agenda was positive and ambitious. We looked at Russia as a country ready to converge with "European values", a country likely to embrace both the basic principles of democratic government and a liberal concept of the world order. It was believed this would bring our relations to a new level, covering the whole spectrum of the EU's strategic relationship with Russia.

Read more...
* * *

The likelihood of Putin
invading Lithuania
By Mikhail Iossel
Professor of English at Concordia University, Canada
Founding Director at Summer Literary Seminars

The likelihood of Putin's invading Lithuania or fomenting a Donbass-style counterfeit pro-Russian uprising there, at this point, in my strong opinion, is no higher than that of his attacking Portugal, say, or Ecuador. Regardless of whether he might or might not, in principle, be interested in the insane idea of expanding Russia's geographic boundaries to those of the former USSR (and I for one do not believe that has ever been his goal), he knows this would be entirely unfeasible, both in near- and long-term historical perspective, for a variety of reasons. It is not going to happen. There will be no restoration of the Soviet Union as a geopolitical entity.

Read more...
* * *

Are all Lithuanian energy
problems now resolved?
By Dr. Stasys Backaitis,
P.E., CSMP, SAE Fellow Member of Central and Eastern European Coalition, Washington, D.C., USA

Lithuania's Energy Timeline - from total dependence to independence

Lithuania as a country does not have significant energy resources. Energy consuming infrastructure after WWII was small and totally supported by energy imports from Russia.

First nuclear reactor begins power generation at Ignalina in 1983, the second reactor in 1987. Iganlina generates enough electricity to cover Lithuania's needs and about 50%.for export. As, prerequisite for membership in EU, Ignalina ceases all nuclear power generation in 2009

The Klaipėda Sea terminal begins Russia's oil export operations in 1959 and imports in 1994.

Mazeikiu Nafta (current ORLEAN Lietuva) begins operation of oil refinery in 1980.

Read more...
* * *

Have Lithuanian ties across
the Baltic Sea become
stronger in recent years?
By Eitvydas Bajarunas
Ambassador to Sweden

My answer to affirmative "yes". Yes, Lithuanian ties across the Baltic Sea become as never before solid in recent years. For me the biggest achievement of Lithuania in the Baltic Sea region during recent years is boosting Baltic and Nordic ties. And not because of mere accident - Nordic direction was Lithuania's strategic choice.

The two decades that have passed since regaining Lithuania's independence can be described as a "building boom". From the wreckage of a captive Soviet republic, a generation of Lithuanians have built a modern European state, and are now helping construct a Nordic-Baltic community replete with institutions intended to promote political coordination and foster a trans-Baltic regional identity. Indeed, a "Nordic-Baltic community" - I will explain later in my text the meaning of this catch-phrase.

Since the restoration of Lithuania's independence 25 years ago, we have continuously felt a strong support from Nordic countries. Nordics in particular were among the countries supporting Lithuania's and Baltic States' striving towards independence. Take example of Iceland, country which recognized Lithuania in February of 1991, well in advance of other countries. Yet another example - Swedish Ambassador was the first ambassador accredited to Lithuania in 1991. The other countries followed suit. When we restored our statehood, Nordic Countries became champions in promoting Baltic integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions. To large degree thanks Nordic Countries, massive transformations occurred in Lithuania since then, Lithuania became fully-fledged member of the EU and NATO, and we joined the Eurozone on 1 January 2015.

Read more...
* * *

It's the economy, stupid *
By Valdas (Val) Samonis,
PhD, CPC

n his article, Val Samonis takes a comparative policy look at the Lithuanian economy during the period 2000-2015. He argues that the LT policy response (a radical and classical austerity) was wrong and unenlightened because it coincided with strong and continuing deflationary forces in the EU and the global economy which forces were predictable, given the right policy guidance. Also, he makes a point that LT austerity, and the resulting sharp drop in GDP and employment in LT, stimulated emigration of young people (and the related worsening of other demographics) which processes took huge dimensions thereby undercutting even the future enlightened efforts to get out of the middle-income growth trap by LT. Consequently, the country is now on the trajectory (development path) similar to that of a dog that chases its own tail. A strong effort by new generation of policymakers is badly needed to jolt the country out of that wrong trajectory and to offer the chance of escaping the middle-income growth trap via innovations.

Read more...
* * *

Have you heard about the
South African "Pencil Test"?
By Karina Simonson

If you are not South African, then, probably, you haven't. It is a test performed in South Africa during the apartheid regime and was used, together with the other ways, to determine racial identity, distinguishing whites from coloureds and blacks. That repressive test was very close to Nazi implemented ways to separate Jews from Aryans. Could you now imagine a Lithuanian mother, performing it on her own child?

But that is exactly what happened to me when I came back from South Africa. I will tell you how.

Read more...
* * *
Click HERE to read previous opinion letters >



VilNews e-magazine is published in Vilnius, Lithuania. Editor-in-Chief: Mr. Aage Myhre. Inquires to the editorseditor@VilNews.com.
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